Document Text Contents
Page 1
ΙΝΣΤΙΤΟΥΤΟ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΡΩΜΑΪΚΗΣ ΑΡΧΑΙΟΤΗΤΟΣ
ΕΘΝΙΚΟΝ ΙΔΡΥΜΑ ΕΡΕΥΝΩΝ
RESEARCH INSTITUTE FOR GREEK AND ROMAN ANTIQUITY
NATIONAL HELLENIC RESEARCH FOUNDATION
MΕΛΕΤΗΜΑΤΑ 63
ROMAN PELOPONNESE III
SOCIETY, ECONOMY AND CULTURE UNDER THE ROMAN EMPIRE:
CONTINUITY AND INNOVATION
Edited by
A. D. RIZAKIS, CL. E. LEPENIOTI
ATHENS 2010
DIFFUSION DE BOCCARD - 11, RUE DE MEDICIS, 75006 PARIS
Page 2
Cover illustration: Head of city goddess (�����) of Sparta
(Sparta Archaeological Museum inv. no. 7945; photo courtesy of O. Palagia)
Maps: Yvonne-Dominique Rizakis
Layout: Dionysia Rosgova
ISBN 978-960-7905-54-3
© The Nationale Hellenic Research Foundation
Institute for Greek and Roman Antiquity
48 Vasileos Constantinou Ave., GR – 116 35 Athens – tel.: 0030. 210 72 73 673-4
Printed by: Ἐργαστήριο Χαρακτικῆς Ἠλία Ν. Κουβέλη
Aghiou Pavlou 26, Athens – Tel.: 0030 210.82 39 095
Page 11
Achaean triobols which are located in a few coin
hoards outside mainland Greece (e.g. Italy and
Crete) constitute lots assembled later, rounded-up
groups of diverse emissions that can be interpreted
as products of looting. The Agrinion Hoard, com-
prised by Achaean triobols, Roman denarii and
Athenian tetradrachms, stands out as an exception
regarding the geographical distribution and a con-
firmation at the same time of this phenomenon.
The outline of the coin production in the area
of the Peloponnese and of the coin circulation after
the defeat and disintegration of the Achaean League
can be drawn as following:
Ι. Middle and Late Republican Times
a. Coin production dramatically ceases after the
dissolution of the League at Corinth.9 Partial and
selective operation of certain mints in the Pelo-
ponnese (silver and bronze coins) is observed only
during the 1st c. B.C. and particularly at the begin-
ning – when, most probably, and not in the 2nd c.
B.C. as it was believed by Dittenberger, Schwert -
feger, Sherk and others – a number of federal or-
ganizations is revived (Paus. VII. 16, 10) and in
combination to military-political events pertaining
to Romans themselves.
239
Coin production and coin circulation in the Roman Peloponnese
9. Theory launched by Thompson 1968, supported by Price 1987, 95-103 and followed by Touratsoglou, Tsourti
1991, 171-84. Opposite views concerning prolonged continuation of the Achaean League issues with no interruption
until the first quarter of the 1st c. B.C. expressed first by C. Boehringer, and supported by J. Warren, J. Kroll and C.
Grandjean are to be found in Warren 1999, 99-109 and in Grandjean 1999, 139-46. See also Grandjean, Guerra 2000,
300-05 and Boehringer 2008, 83-89.– Τhe recent monograph by Warren 2007 does not seem to follow for the bronze
coinage the low chronology previously accepted by her. Views supporting the traditional dating are expressed by
Lakakis-Marchetti 1996, 147-56; by Tsangari 2007 and recently by Oikonomides, Lakakis-Marchetti, Marchetti
2007, 379-426 (negative review of this article is undertaken by A. Walker, in ANS, Winter 2008, 53-58).
Map 1. Geographical and chronological repartition of coin hoards with Achaean League triobols.
Page 12
The local mints contribute each time that the
Roman generals confront the last Hellenistic rulers
of the East or face each other, while seeking to pre-
vail at Rome, bringing conflict on Greek territo -
ry.10 Such were the confrontations of Sulla versus
Mithridates VI of Pontos, of Pompey versus Iulius
Caesar, of Brutus versus Octavian and Mark Antony
and finally, at Actium, of Mark Antony and Cleopa-
tra versus Octavian.11 At this point of time (87-86
B.C.) are to be dated also two coin series of the
Athenian mint (most evidently, despite some re-
serves), i.e. silver New Style issues (broad-flanned
tetradrachms and smaller modules); one series
bears no legend and the other (inscribed with
monograms) is probably in the name of Sulla’s
quaestor, Marcus Licinius Lucullus, the brother of
L. Lucullus.12 These coin series were supplemen-
tary to the other monetary revenues, in order to
finance the military operations of Sulla.
Alongside with the occasional issues, this period
is noted for the bronze issues of various cities of
the Achaean League – quite worn by prolonged use
– which were countermarked by their own issuing
authority in order to be revaluated for the new era:
emissions of Elis, countermarked with an eagle,
that circulated after 146 B.C.13 This feature is re-
peated in the mid-30s B.C. when the very worn
copper coins of Messene, struck after 180 B.C., are
countermarked on both sides (eagle and tripod). A
bit later, maybe ultimate, proofs of this practice
provide the copper coins of Messene of the years
40-30 B.C., countermarked in the mid-20s B.C.
(Augustus’ head); the issues of Lakedaimon, 35-31
B.C., countermarked in the mid-20s B.C. (Augustus’
head); and the silver triobols of Elis of the years
40-30 B.C., bearing a countermark of the early im-
perial times. Finally, perhaps at the time of Antony,
bronze coins of Cythera of the first half of the
1st c. B.C. were countermarked with Cupid.14 This
practice, besides highlighting the lack of sufficient
metal at the time of countermarking, hints at a
prolonged circulation since the flans bear very
worn initial types. On other occasions it is proba-
ble that countermarks simply aimed at the valida-
tion of older issues.
Mutatis mutandis, a similar picture is drawn re-
garding Macedonia, where the royal and the civic
issues are interrupted by the fall of the Antigonids
at Pydna. The issues that follow – minted for Ma -
cedonia as a Protectorate (168 B.C.) and for the
Four Regions (Merides), into which the land is di-
vided from 168 to 148 B.C. – are short emissions
underlining the events that transformed the politi-
cal scene. On the other hand, as a vehicle for mak-
ing war against the barbarian tribes of the north
were employed the so-called New Style Athenian
tetradrachms, which were produced in large quan-
tities after the middle of the 2nd c. B.C. at the urge
and by arrangement of the Romans.15 Similarly, the
brief, incidental issues of the first half of the 1st c.
B.C. (silver emissions in the names of Aesillas and
Sura as well as MΑΚΕΔΟΝΩΝ and LEG MΑΚΕΔΟ-
ΝΩΝ, etc.) are primarily connected with specific
events and satisfy mainly needs for prestige of the
Romans as successors of the Macedonian kings.16
Likewise incidental was an issue of the inactive for
quite some time mint of Thessalonike; this emis-
sion was produced under Pompey at the instance
of colony foundation, in order to legitimize the
election of magistrates away from Rome, but on
Roman ground.17 In Macedonia, from the time of
the proclamation of the territory as Roman province
(148 B.C.) to the Late Republican period, the lack
of metal and the return to barter also led to the
production and circulation of barbarian-style coins
modelled on the last civic issues under the kings.
���
I. Touratsoglou
10. The recently published book on this subject by Benner 2008 summarizes the latest opinions on this matter
based mainly on the propositions of A. Walker in LHS Numismatics, Auction 96, 8-9 May 2006.
11. See for the period Rizakis 2001b, 81-82. Especially for the minting activity of Antony in the Peloponnese see
Amandry 1982/83, 1-6. Lately, on coin production at Patrai during the Late Republican Period, see E. Haug, “Local
Politics in the Late Republic: Antony and Cleopatra at Patras”, AJN 20, 2008, 405-20.
12. Lucullan πλάτη (‘flats’) or Lucullan coinage: Kraay 1968, 15. Grandjean 1999, 141. Touratsoglou 2006/07, 245.
13. Νicolet 1992, 287-89.
14. A. Walker, LHS Numismatics, Auction 96, 8-9 May 2006 (Coins of Peloponnesos. The B[asil] C. D[emetria -
des] Collection), nos 671, 692.1 (Elis), nos 756, 758-59 (Messene), nos 926.4, 926.6 (Lakedaimon), no. 999 (Κythera).
Cf. Kroll 1996, 49-73 and id., 1997, 123-36.
15. De Callataÿ 1991/92, 11-20. See also Dreyer 2000, 39-60.
16. Touratsoglou 1993, 18, 21-22.
17. Id. 1987b, 885-90.
Page 22
Numismatique grecque offerts à Georges Le Rider,
London, 139-46.
—, 2000: “Guerre et monnaie en Grèce ancienne; le cas
du koinon achaien”, in J. Andreau, P. Briant, R. Des-
cat (eds), Économie antique III. La guerre dans les
économies antiques, Entretiens d’archéologie et d’his-
toire 5, Saint-Bertrand-de-Comminges, 315-36.
Grandjean (C.), Guerra (M. F.), 2000: “Les monnaies du
Péloponnèse de la fin de l’époque hellénistique: l’ap-
port de l’analyse élémentaire” in Akten des XII. In-
ternationalen Numismatischen Kongresses, Berlin
1997, Berlin, 300-05.
Grunauer-von Hoerschelmann (S.), 1982/83: “The Sev-
eran Emissions of the Pelopennesus”, INJ 6-7, 39-46
with pls 8-9.
Hohlfelder (R.), 1978: Kenchreai. Eastern Port of Corinth,
Leiden.
Hoskins Walbank (M. E.), 2003: “Aspects of the
Corinthian Coinage in the Late 1st and Early 2nd cen-
turies A.C.”, in C. K. Williams II, N. Bookidis (eds),
Corinth, the Centenary: 1896-1996, Corinth XX,
Princeton N. J., 337-49.
Knapp (R. C.), MacIsaac (J. D.), 2005: Excavations at
Nemea III: The Coins, Berkeley - Los Angeles.
Kraay (C. Μ.), 1968: Coins of Ancient Athens, New -
castle upon Tyne.
Kremydi-Sicilianou (S.), 2004: “Patterns of monetary
circulation in Roman Macedonia: The Hoard Evi-
dence”, Eulimene 5, 135-49.
—, 2005: “‘Belonging’ to Rome, ‘Remaining’ Greek:
Coinage and Identity in Roman Macedonia”, in Chr.
Howgego et alii (eds), Coinage and Identity in the
Roman Provinces, Oxford, 95-106.
Kroll (J.), 1996: “Hemiobols to Assaria: the Bronze
Coinage of Roman Aigion”, NC 156, 49-78.
—, 1997: “Traditionalism vs Romanization in bronze
coinages of Greece, 42-31 B.C.”, Topoi 7, 123-36.
Lakakis-Marchetti (M.), 1996: “À propos du monnayage
achéen et des trésors qui le font connaître”, in ΧΑ-
ΡΑΚΤΗΡ.Αφιέρωμα στηΜάντωΟικονομίδου, Athens,
147-56.
Larsen (J. A. O.), 1975: “Greece and Macedonia from
Augustus to Gallienus”, in T. Frank (ed.), An Eco-
nomic Survey of Ancient Rome, New York, 436-96.
Mallwitz (A.), 1972: Olympia und seine Bauten, München.
May (J. M. F.), 1962: “Coins”, in H. Payne, Th. J. Dun-
babin (eds), Perachora, The Sanctuaries of Hera
Akraia and Limenia II. Pottery, ivories, scarabs, and
other objects from the votive deposit of Hera Lime-
nia, Oxford, 456-60.
Migeotte (L.), 1997: “La date de l’oktôbolos eisphora de
Messène”, Topoi 7, 51-61.
—, 2008: “L’organisation de l’oktobolos eisphora de
Messène”, in C. Grandjean (éd.), Le Péloponnèse
d’Épaminondas à Hadrien, Actes du Colloque de
Tours, 6-7 octobre 2005, Ét. Ausonius 21, Bordeaux,
229-43.
Νicolet (Η.), 1992: “À propos de monnaies d’Elis por-
tant des contremarques”, BSFN 47.4, 287-89.
Oikonomides (Karamesini) (M.), 1966: “Μίαμαρτυρία
διὰτὴνκάθοδοντῶνἙρούλωνεἰςτὴνΣπάρτηντὸ
267μ.Χ.ΕὕρημανομισμάτωντῶνΛακεδαιμονίων”,
in ΧαριστήριονεἰςἈναστάσιονΚ.Ὀρλάνδον Γ ,́ Βι-
βλιοθήκητῆςἐνἈθήναιςἈρχαιολογικῆςἙταιρείας
54, Athens, 376-82 and pls 121-23.
—, 2008: “ΤαανασκαφικάνομίσματατωνΛουσών.
Μια πρώτη προσέγγιση”, in Amicitiae gratia. In
memory of Αλκμήνη Σταυρίδη, Athens, 93-96.
Oikonomides (M.), Lakakis-Marchetti (M.), Marchetti
(P.), 2007: “Le trésor de Zougra (IGCH 261) et la cir-
culation monétaire dans le Péloponnèse au IIe siècle”,
in Gh. Moucharte et alii (eds), Liber amicorum Tony
Hackens, Louvain-la-Neuve, 379-433.
Papageorgiadou-Bani (Ch.), 2004: The Numismatic Icono -
graphy of the Roman Colonies in Greece. Local Spirit
and the Expression of Imperial Policy, Meletemata
39, Athens.
Papapostolou (I. A.), 2009: «Παρατηρήσεις σε ψηφι-
δωτά των Πατρών», in Patrasso colonia di Augusto e
le transformazioni culturali, politiche ed econo miche
della Provincia di Acaia agli inizi dell’età imperiale
romana, Atti del Convegno internazionale, Patrasso,
23-24 marzo 2006, Tripodes 8, Athènes, 211-51.
Petropoulos (M.), 1994: “Aγροικίες Πατραϊκής” in P.
N. Doukellis, L. Mendoni (eds), Structures rurales et
sociétés antiques, Actes du Colloque de Corfou (14-
16 mai 1992), Paris, 410-12.
—, 2001: “Oι ρωμαϊκοί ληνοί της Πάτρας” in Oίνον
ιστορώ,Aμπελοοινική ιστορία και αρχαιολογία της
BΔ Πελοποννήσου,Kτήμα Mερκούρη,Kορακοχώρι
Hλείας, Athens, 37-51.
Price (M.), 1987: “Southern Greece in the Coinage of the
Greek World in the Late Republic”, BAR 326, 95-103.
Rizakis (Α. D.), 2001a: “Ηγετικήτάξηκαικοινωνική
διαστρωμάτωση στις πόλεις της Πελοποννήσου
κατάτηναυτοκρατορικήεποχή”, in V. Mitsopoulos-
Leon (ed.), Forschungen in der Peloponnes, Akten
des Symposions anlässlich der Feier »100 Jahre Öster-
reichisches Archäologisches Institut Athen«, Athen
5.3.-7.3.1998, Athen, 181-97.
—, 2001b: “Les cités péloponnésiennes entre l’époque
hellénistique et l’Empire: le paysage économique et
social”, in R. Frei-Stolba, Kr. Gex (éds), Recherches
récentes sur le monde hellénistique, Actes du col-
loque international organisé à l’occasion du 60e an-
niversaire de Pierre Ducrey (Lausane, 20-21 novembre
1998), Bern - Berlin - Bruxelles, 75-96.
—, forthcoming: “Supra-civic landowning and supra-
civic euergetic activities of urban elites in the Impe-
rial Peloponnese”, in Being Peloponnesian. Cohesion
and diversity through time, International conference,
University of Nottingham, 31 march-1 april 2007.
Rizakis (A. D.), Touratsoglou (I.), 2008: “L’Économie
du Péloponnèse hellénistique: un cas régional”, in
���
I. Touratsoglou
Page 23
C. Grandjean (éd.), Le Péloponnèse d’Épaminondas
à Hadrien, Actes du Colloque de Tours, 6-7 octobre
2005, Bordeaux, 69-82.
Seyrig (H.), 1957: “Les trouvailles des monnaies pélo-
ponnésiennes en Syrie”, Syria 34, 249-59.
Spyropoulos (G.), 2001: Drei Meisterwerke der griechi-
schen Plastik aus der Villa des Herodes Atticus zu
Eva/Loukou, Frankfurt a. M.
Thompson (Μ.), 1968: The Agrinion Hoard, NNM 159,
New York, 93-98.
Τouratsoglou (Ι.), 1987a: “Macedonia”, in A. M. Burnett,
M. H. Crawford (eds), The Coinage of the Roman
World in the Late Republic, BAR Intern. Ser. 326,
53-78.
—, 1987b: “ΟΠομπήιος στη Θεσσαλονίκη:η νομισμα-
τική μαρτυρία”, ΑΜΗΤΟΣ (Festschrift Prof. M. An-
dronikos), Thessaloniki, 885-90.
—, 1993: The Coin Circulation in Ancient Macedonia
(ca. 200 BC - 268-286 AD). The Hoard Evidence,
Hellenic Numismatic Society, Bibliotheca 1, Αthens.
—, 2006: Greece and the Balkans before the End of An-
tiquity, Hellenic Numismatic Society, Bibliotheca 8,
Athens.
—, 2006/07: “Η νομισματοκοπία των Αθηνών”, in N.
Kaltsas (ed.), Aθήνα-Σπάρτη, Exhibition Catalogue,
Athens, 240-55.
Touratsoglou (I.), Tsourti (E.), 1991: “Συμβολή στην
κυκλοφορία τριωβόλων της Αχαϊκής Συμπολιτείας
στον Eλλαδικό χώρο:η μαρτυρία των «θησαυρών»”,
in A. D. Rizakis (ed.), Achaia und Elis in der Antike,
Akten des 1. Internationalen Symposiums, Athen
19.-21. Mai 1989, Meletemata 13, Athens, 171-88.
Tsangari (D.), 2007: Corpus des monnaies d’or, d’argent
et de bronze de la Conféderation étolienne, Athens.
Warren (J. A. W.), 1999: “The Achaian League Silver
Coinage Controversy Resolved: A Summary”, NC
159, 99-109.
—, 2007: The Bronze Coinage of the Achaian Koinon.
The Currency of a Federal Ideal, London (review: W.
Fischer-Bossert, NC 168, 2008, 475-78).
���
Coin production and coin circulation in the Roman Peloponnese
ΙΝΣΤΙΤΟΥΤΟ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΡΩΜΑΪΚΗΣ ΑΡΧΑΙΟΤΗΤΟΣ
ΕΘΝΙΚΟΝ ΙΔΡΥΜΑ ΕΡΕΥΝΩΝ
RESEARCH INSTITUTE FOR GREEK AND ROMAN ANTIQUITY
NATIONAL HELLENIC RESEARCH FOUNDATION
MΕΛΕΤΗΜΑΤΑ 63
ROMAN PELOPONNESE III
SOCIETY, ECONOMY AND CULTURE UNDER THE ROMAN EMPIRE:
CONTINUITY AND INNOVATION
Edited by
A. D. RIZAKIS, CL. E. LEPENIOTI
ATHENS 2010
DIFFUSION DE BOCCARD - 11, RUE DE MEDICIS, 75006 PARIS
Page 2
Cover illustration: Head of city goddess (�����) of Sparta
(Sparta Archaeological Museum inv. no. 7945; photo courtesy of O. Palagia)
Maps: Yvonne-Dominique Rizakis
Layout: Dionysia Rosgova
ISBN 978-960-7905-54-3
© The Nationale Hellenic Research Foundation
Institute for Greek and Roman Antiquity
48 Vasileos Constantinou Ave., GR – 116 35 Athens – tel.: 0030. 210 72 73 673-4
Printed by: Ἐργαστήριο Χαρακτικῆς Ἠλία Ν. Κουβέλη
Aghiou Pavlou 26, Athens – Tel.: 0030 210.82 39 095
Page 11
Achaean triobols which are located in a few coin
hoards outside mainland Greece (e.g. Italy and
Crete) constitute lots assembled later, rounded-up
groups of diverse emissions that can be interpreted
as products of looting. The Agrinion Hoard, com-
prised by Achaean triobols, Roman denarii and
Athenian tetradrachms, stands out as an exception
regarding the geographical distribution and a con-
firmation at the same time of this phenomenon.
The outline of the coin production in the area
of the Peloponnese and of the coin circulation after
the defeat and disintegration of the Achaean League
can be drawn as following:
Ι. Middle and Late Republican Times
a. Coin production dramatically ceases after the
dissolution of the League at Corinth.9 Partial and
selective operation of certain mints in the Pelo-
ponnese (silver and bronze coins) is observed only
during the 1st c. B.C. and particularly at the begin-
ning – when, most probably, and not in the 2nd c.
B.C. as it was believed by Dittenberger, Schwert -
feger, Sherk and others – a number of federal or-
ganizations is revived (Paus. VII. 16, 10) and in
combination to military-political events pertaining
to Romans themselves.
239
Coin production and coin circulation in the Roman Peloponnese
9. Theory launched by Thompson 1968, supported by Price 1987, 95-103 and followed by Touratsoglou, Tsourti
1991, 171-84. Opposite views concerning prolonged continuation of the Achaean League issues with no interruption
until the first quarter of the 1st c. B.C. expressed first by C. Boehringer, and supported by J. Warren, J. Kroll and C.
Grandjean are to be found in Warren 1999, 99-109 and in Grandjean 1999, 139-46. See also Grandjean, Guerra 2000,
300-05 and Boehringer 2008, 83-89.– Τhe recent monograph by Warren 2007 does not seem to follow for the bronze
coinage the low chronology previously accepted by her. Views supporting the traditional dating are expressed by
Lakakis-Marchetti 1996, 147-56; by Tsangari 2007 and recently by Oikonomides, Lakakis-Marchetti, Marchetti
2007, 379-426 (negative review of this article is undertaken by A. Walker, in ANS, Winter 2008, 53-58).
Map 1. Geographical and chronological repartition of coin hoards with Achaean League triobols.
Page 12
The local mints contribute each time that the
Roman generals confront the last Hellenistic rulers
of the East or face each other, while seeking to pre-
vail at Rome, bringing conflict on Greek territo -
ry.10 Such were the confrontations of Sulla versus
Mithridates VI of Pontos, of Pompey versus Iulius
Caesar, of Brutus versus Octavian and Mark Antony
and finally, at Actium, of Mark Antony and Cleopa-
tra versus Octavian.11 At this point of time (87-86
B.C.) are to be dated also two coin series of the
Athenian mint (most evidently, despite some re-
serves), i.e. silver New Style issues (broad-flanned
tetradrachms and smaller modules); one series
bears no legend and the other (inscribed with
monograms) is probably in the name of Sulla’s
quaestor, Marcus Licinius Lucullus, the brother of
L. Lucullus.12 These coin series were supplemen-
tary to the other monetary revenues, in order to
finance the military operations of Sulla.
Alongside with the occasional issues, this period
is noted for the bronze issues of various cities of
the Achaean League – quite worn by prolonged use
– which were countermarked by their own issuing
authority in order to be revaluated for the new era:
emissions of Elis, countermarked with an eagle,
that circulated after 146 B.C.13 This feature is re-
peated in the mid-30s B.C. when the very worn
copper coins of Messene, struck after 180 B.C., are
countermarked on both sides (eagle and tripod). A
bit later, maybe ultimate, proofs of this practice
provide the copper coins of Messene of the years
40-30 B.C., countermarked in the mid-20s B.C.
(Augustus’ head); the issues of Lakedaimon, 35-31
B.C., countermarked in the mid-20s B.C. (Augustus’
head); and the silver triobols of Elis of the years
40-30 B.C., bearing a countermark of the early im-
perial times. Finally, perhaps at the time of Antony,
bronze coins of Cythera of the first half of the
1st c. B.C. were countermarked with Cupid.14 This
practice, besides highlighting the lack of sufficient
metal at the time of countermarking, hints at a
prolonged circulation since the flans bear very
worn initial types. On other occasions it is proba-
ble that countermarks simply aimed at the valida-
tion of older issues.
Mutatis mutandis, a similar picture is drawn re-
garding Macedonia, where the royal and the civic
issues are interrupted by the fall of the Antigonids
at Pydna. The issues that follow – minted for Ma -
cedonia as a Protectorate (168 B.C.) and for the
Four Regions (Merides), into which the land is di-
vided from 168 to 148 B.C. – are short emissions
underlining the events that transformed the politi-
cal scene. On the other hand, as a vehicle for mak-
ing war against the barbarian tribes of the north
were employed the so-called New Style Athenian
tetradrachms, which were produced in large quan-
tities after the middle of the 2nd c. B.C. at the urge
and by arrangement of the Romans.15 Similarly, the
brief, incidental issues of the first half of the 1st c.
B.C. (silver emissions in the names of Aesillas and
Sura as well as MΑΚΕΔΟΝΩΝ and LEG MΑΚΕΔΟ-
ΝΩΝ, etc.) are primarily connected with specific
events and satisfy mainly needs for prestige of the
Romans as successors of the Macedonian kings.16
Likewise incidental was an issue of the inactive for
quite some time mint of Thessalonike; this emis-
sion was produced under Pompey at the instance
of colony foundation, in order to legitimize the
election of magistrates away from Rome, but on
Roman ground.17 In Macedonia, from the time of
the proclamation of the territory as Roman province
(148 B.C.) to the Late Republican period, the lack
of metal and the return to barter also led to the
production and circulation of barbarian-style coins
modelled on the last civic issues under the kings.
���
I. Touratsoglou
10. The recently published book on this subject by Benner 2008 summarizes the latest opinions on this matter
based mainly on the propositions of A. Walker in LHS Numismatics, Auction 96, 8-9 May 2006.
11. See for the period Rizakis 2001b, 81-82. Especially for the minting activity of Antony in the Peloponnese see
Amandry 1982/83, 1-6. Lately, on coin production at Patrai during the Late Republican Period, see E. Haug, “Local
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