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TitleThe Postwar Transformation of Germany: Democracy, Prosperity and Nationhood
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Table of Contents
Germany Transformed? A Framework for Analysis / Beverly Crawford, John S. Brady, and Sarah Elise Wiliarty
Building Democracy: The Institutions and Political Culture of German Democracy
	The German Response to the Challenge of Extremist Parties, 1949–1994 / Peter H. Merkl
	Building Democracy and Changing Institutions: The Professional Civil Service and Political Parties in the Federal Republic of Germany / Gregg O. Kvistad
	Building Democracy: Judicial Review and the German Rechtsstaat / Donald P. Kommers
	From State Culture to Citizen Culture: Political Parties and the Postwar Transformation of Political Culture in Germany / Michaela Richter
The Challenge of Prosperity: The Foundations of the German Economy and Challenges of the Future
	Germany's Export Boom at Fifty — An Enduring Success Story? / Ludger Lindlar and Carl-Ludwig Holtfrerich
	The German Welfare State: Principles, Performance, Prospects / Claus Offe
	Norms, Ideology, and Institutions: (En)Gendered Retrenchment of Modell Deutschland? / Patricia Davis and Simon Reich
The Question of Nationhood: The Evolution of National Identity in the Federal Republic
	The End of Longing? (Notes toward a History of Postwar German National Longing) / Charles S. Maier
	The Late Flowering and Early Fading of German Nationalism / Ernst Haas
	The Federal Republic as a Nation-State / Peter Krüger
	Immigration and Nationhood in the Federal Republic of Germany / Christhard Hoffman
	Two Discourses of Citizenship in Germany: The Differences between Public Debate and Administrative Practice / Jost Halfmann
Germany's Place in the World
	The Enduring Transformation of Postwar German Foreign Policy / Thomas Banchoff
	Germany's Place in the World / Wolfgang Krieger
	The Contemporary Power of Memory: The Dilemmas for German Foreign Policy / Andrei S. Markovits and Simon Reich
	The Burdens of Memory: The Impact of History on German National Security Policy / Thomas U. Berger
	From the Bonn to the Berlin Republic and Beyond: Critical Junctures and the Future of the Federal Republic / John S. Brady and Sarah Elise Wiliarty
Document Text Contents
Page 2

The Postwar Transformation of Germany

Page 269

258 The Postwar Transformation of Germany

the former East Germany into the unified German economy. The
women of the former GDR have been one of the hardest-hit groupS.78
During the 45 years of communist rule, women made remarkable gains
in terms of overcoming the primary disadvantages of a patriarchal soci-
ety. Support structures for women in the GDR included institutional
features such as nursery schools and kindergartens for more than 80
percent of the children below school age, and publicly run service houses
attached to firms, at which, for example, laundry could be dropped off
in the morning, to be picked up at the end of day. Labor law regulations
were equally generous. These included obligatory affirmative action pro-
grams; paid reductions in normal working hours for women with more
than one child; and provisions that entitled women to a second chance to
obtain formal vocational or professional credentials.79

Women in the former GDR have borne the overwhelming costs of
unification in terms of lost employment. Data from March 1995 reveal
that, of the more than one million unemployed in eastern Germany,
fully 62.4 percent were women.80 Nearly 20 percent of all women were
unemployed in March 1995 (versus 23 percent in March 1994); at the
same time only 11 percent of males were unemployed (compared to the
March 1994 figure of 13 percent).81

Women have notably been affected by these job losses differently
than men, especially when distinguished by sectors of employment.
Women are overrepresented in sectors that reduced employment and
production most sharply. Yet decisions regarding these reductions were
often not based on the grounds of efficiency (or non-efficiency), since
such inefficient core industries as steel and shipbuilding did not reduce
employment at as rapid a rate. Rather, according to Maier, the restruc-
turing process in these equally inefficient sectors was "slowed down by
state and trade-union intervention, whereas in female-dominated indus-
tries exposure to the market had an immediate effect." Furthermore,
citing a German Institute for Economics study, Maier explains how
other cutbacks have disproportionately affected women:

The social departments of enterprises were closed down as the firms
were now seen as exclusively economic organizations, thus reducing
employment opportunities for nurses, teachers, cooks, etc. and de-
stroying the social infrastructure used by the women employed in
these firms. Women occupying typical male jobs in the industrial
production sphere, such as foremen, were dismissed more often
than their male counterparts and women in intermediate manage-
rial positions tended to lose these positions, if not their jobs. 82

Page 270

Norms, Ideology, and Institutions 259

Such decisions have therefore been politicized, rather than left to market
factors, forcing women to bear a disproportionate share of the burden.

In the end, we argue that the Kohl government therefore achieved
the opposite of that specified by the rhetoric noted in the opening quota-
tion of this chapter. Terms such as "solidarity pact" portray an image of a
Germany in which the sacrifices are collectivized and the benefits are
either diffused or, if apportioned, then based on need. The reality is that
the costs that have been isolated to the "one-third" of society, and the
benefits, rather than being apportioned on a "needs" basis, have been
seized on a power basis. According to The Economist, the CDU, in the
aftermath of unification, was supposed to contain a strong left wing,
"considered its 'social conscience,' " and to be boosted by the arrival of
east Germans who were supposed to be "much keener on bolstering the
welfare state than ... deregulating markets."83 But this has not been
reflected in the party's subsequent policies. The result, Claus Offe con-
tends, has been the creation of a new, economically disenfranchised
German underclass.


Germany's combination of a market economy and an extensive social
welfare system is widely admired. Proponents note the retrenchment of
the welfare system, but often correctly insist that its relative scope and
domain far exceed those found in the other major countries of western
and northern Europe. What they fail to note is that retrenchment is not
equitably distributed among the German populace. In stark contrast, the
burden of retrenchment has been imposed disproportionately on women.

The basis for this maldistribution is the distinction between entitle-
ment and privilege in Germany, a distinction that has generated policies
for which the institutions of the German social welfare system have
proven remarkably malleable. Predicated on an enduring ideological
structure whose cornerstone is discrimination, these institutions have
proven remarkably adept at shifting the costs of retrenchment away
from a protected core group of white males and toward women as
"outsiders. "

We should find nothing surprising in this phenomenon. Predating
the formation of the Bonn Republic, the German state has consistently
demonstrated a proclivity toward distinction - particularly on the basis
of gender. But the fact that such tendencies have been reinforced by
measures supported by the major political parties of the Bonn and Ber-
lin Republics is of concern. These include the 1986 child care reforms;

Page 538

47,220,225,292,434. See also politi-
cal parties

and Bad Godesberg, 43, 46, 210, 486
criticism of, 137-44
cooperation with CDU, 210
economic policy, 318-20
and European Community, 326-28
and foreign policy, 46, 428, 483
and foreign workers, 365
and historical memory, 414-15
and immigration, 384, 386
and imperialism, 298-99
integration of left-wing parties, 36, 46
and unemployment, 213-15
and working women, 239, 249-50

Socialist German Student Federation, 46
Socialist Reich Party (SRP), 39-40, 42, 73
Socialist University Federation (SHB), 46
socialization, 410
social market economy, 316-21
social security, 203-4, 206-7, 215-17, 219,

Soviet Union, 403, 422, 433, 434-35, 487-

89. See also East-West relations
Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschland

(SED), 46-47, 49, 280, 324-25
Sozialversicherung. See social security
specialization of industry. See industrial

Standard employment relationship, 205,

Standortdebatte, 163,215,256
Stasi, 48, 50, 84
state-society relations, 72, 101, 125, 132,

Strauss, Franz Josef, 36, 41
Stresemann, Gustav, 302
student mobilization, 46, 76-77

technology, 186-89, 315
terrorism, 48, 77,80,312-13
Thatcher, Margaret, 431
Triimmerfrauen, 240, 460
Two-Plus-Four Treaty, 404, 425

Ulbricht, Walter, 277-78,324
unemployment, 15, 40, 84, 163, 197-98,

benefits, 206, 252
in eastern Germany, 51

Index 527

and foreign workers, 364
political impact of, 13,212-17
during Weimar, 301-2
and women, 246, 253-56

unification, 17, 84, 98, 218, 279, 383, 426,
504. See also Western integration

and abortion, 105-6, 108
economic effect of, 13, 166-67,216-17,

and immigration, 370-74
and longing, 280-82
and nation-state, 352-53
nineteenth century, 289-90
and political parties, 136-38, 143
and women, 257-59

unions, 11,42,45,209,247,255,292. See
also IG Metall; industrial relations

and extra parliamentary opposition, 46,

and foreign workers, 364
and Nazis, 305-6
and women, 256-58

Versailles Treaty, 303-5, 413
Vertrauensschutz, 363
Vogel, Hans-Jochen, 85
Volksdeutschen, 360, 368-69
von Thadden, Adolf, 44
von Weizsacker, Richard, 458

critique of political parties, 135-36,
143-44, 147-48

Warsaw Pact, 279, 405
Wehner, Herbert, 80
Weimar Republic, 38, 126, 300-303, 457
welfare, 14-16, 320, 380, 388, 391-94,

Western Alliance, 321-24, 401, 403-4,

Western European Union, 488
Western integration. See also Adenauer;

East-West relations; European integra-
tion; foreign policy

vs. post-World War II reunification,
483-85,486 and unification (1990),

Wirtschaftswunder. See economic miracle
women, 15-16,229-31,239,510-11. See

also gender

Page 539

528 Index

women (continued)
and longing. 272
and part-time work. 205. 236. 239. 241.

246. 249. 253
and worker protection. 202. 239. 257
in the workforce. 213-14. 219. 229. 233.

unemployment. 246. 253-56

and unification. 257-59
worker protection. 202-4
working class. 42. 306-7
works councils. 210-11

Young Socialists. 46. 80

Zionism. 273

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