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TitleThe last days of the Romanovs from 15th March, 1917
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municate the decision of the Tsik, and may we acquaint the populatioi
by means of the text that you know ?

At a meeting of the Tsik presidium on the i8th it was decidec
{postanovleno) to recognize the decision of the Ur. Reg. Sovdep as regula:
{pravilnym). You may publish your own text. With us yesterday
in all the newspapers was inserted a corresponding announcement. ]
have this instant sent for the exact text and will communicate it to yoi
{iebie, i.e. to thee. Sverdlov is speaking to an inferior).

* * 4: * *

This moment I shall hand over the exact text of our publication

I do not reproduce it. There is no need. The ' wireless

printed in The Times of July 22, 1918, is the exact and accurate

translation of the text given in this conversation recordec

in Ekaterinburg two days previously. (The Moscow and th(
Ekaterinburg texts are given in Chapter X.)

What better evidence could be found of the genuineness
the above record ? It stops there. But it tells us volumes

It is the language of conspirators, of accomplices in a crimt

and of a superior whose orders and whose initiative alon(

count. Yankel Sverdlov assumes his true proportions. H'

and the Bolshevist Government in which he was omnipoten

as president of the Central Executive Committee (Tsik) anc

virtually chief also of the Red Inquisition are for ever identifiec

with the murders that have been described in this work.

The courier referred to is Yurovsky. We know that h
left on the 19th with the plunder and, it is believed, the ' heads

The Whites were only beginning to concentrate their force?

That was four days after the ' execution.'

But why all these precautions ? If the people are so anxiou
to try and punish their late ruler, why resort to aU manner c
subterfuges, both in committing the ' execution ' and i:

acquainting the people with the death of their ' oppressor ' ,

The answer is a simple one : Sverdlov and his associate

were not sure of the people. The reason of that is equal!

simple : they were not Russians ; they were Jews. The

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/ere ' internationalists, ' repudiating all nationality, yet dis-

uised under Russian names. The Russians in their midst

/ere dupes or dummies. Krassin might come to clear the
round, but Apfelbaum-Kamenev appeared for the serious

/ork. What happened in London in 1920 is comparable
1 a modest way with the Red mechanism in Russia itself.

Taken according to numbers of population, the Jews re-

iresented one in ten ; among the komisars that rule Bolshevist
Russia they are nine in ten— if anything, the proportion of
ews is still greater.

These men feared the Russian people, they feared the
iomanovs because they were Russians, they feared Nicholas

*omanov because he had been a Russian Tsar, and when he
efused to be seduced from his loyalty to his people and to the

Jlies they resolved that he should die —he and all the Roman-
vs. This resolve was carried out when the advance of anti-
)olshevist forces gave a reasonable hope of sophisticating

tie crime and avoiding a just punishment. And so definite
ras Jew-ruled Moscow on the necessity of the ex-Tsar's death
tiat a whole month before the murder the report persisted
tiat Nicholas II was dead.

On June 21 the Komisar of the Press, named Stark, tele-
raphed to the Presidium of the Sovdep at Ekaterinburg :

Urgently inform regarding authenticity reports Nicholas

'omanov killed.' On the 23rd Bonch-Bruevich, the secretary
f the Sovnarkom (Council of People's Commissaries, of which

.enin is president), telegraphed to the President of the Eka-

srinburg Sovdep (i.e. Beloborodov) : ' Information circulating

loscow alleging former Emperor Nicholas the Second killed,
end any available information.' A certain Boyard arrived
1 Ekaterinburg on July 9 and telegraphed to the French Con-

a\ in Moscow : ' Am staying meanwhile at British Consulate,
ieports about Romanov false."

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