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TitleThe Home Front and War in the Twentieth Century: The American
LanguageEnglish
File Size16.6 MB
Total Pages301
Table of Contents
                            Front
	Contents
	In Memorian: Maj Donald Backlund
	Preface
	Introduction
	Twenty-fifth Harmon Memorial Lecture in Military History
	United Against American Culture and Society During World War II
Session I: The Quest for National Unity in the Great War
	Introductory Remarks by the Chairman
	For King and Kaiser: British and German Mobilization in WW I
	Rallying Americans for War: 1917-1918
	The Collapse of the Central Powers in WW I: The Case of Austria Hungry
	Commentary
	Discussion and Comments
	Concluding Remarks
Session II: The Sinews of War: Economic Mobilization in WWII
	Introductory Remarks by the Chairman
	Some Aspects of German Mobilization Under the National Socialist Regime
	Warfare and Power Relations in American: Mobilizing the WW II Economy
	Commentary
	Discussion and Comments
	Banquet Address: Hollywood Goes To War
Session III: Social Effects of Total War
	Introductory Remarks by the Chairman
	Total War and Social Change in Great Britain and Other European Countries
	American Blacks in WW II: Rethinking the Military-Watershed Hypothesis
	War is Not Healthy for Children and Other Living Things: Reflections on the Impact of Total War on Women
	Commentary
	Discussion and Comments
	Concluding Remarks
Session IV: Limited War and the Problem of Hearts and Minds the Home Front
	Introductory Remarks by the Chairman
	Keeping Algeria French: The War on the Home Front
	A Comment on the Vietnam Crisis in America: Tet 1968
	Commentary
	Discussion and Comments
Summary
	Introductory Remarks
	Beyond the Battlefield
Notes
Participants
Index
	A
	B
	C
	D-E
	F
	G
	H
	I-J
	K-L
	M
	N
	O-P
	R-S
	T-U
	W
	X-Z
                        
Document Text Contents
Page 150

change in the structure of British industry: the point is that, though relatively small
in size, these new industries had enormous potency for further social change.

The obvious areas in which participation involved social change are those
concerning the working class as a whole, and women. In the first place there is the
simple question of strengthened market position. Men were required to fill the vast
armies in the front line; beyond that they were required to man the factories upon
which the entire war effort depended. As men were sucked into the trenches they
had to be replaced by up-grading unskilled labor, and by bringing women into jobs
which women had never done before. Because there was a demand for labor,
workers, women and men, were able to exact higher wages, It was simply not
worthwhile for the government to allow strikes to take place; better to offer war
bonuses than to permit the country’s entire war effort to collapse. That labor was in
fact willing to use its strengthened bargaining position is clearly seen from the
large number of strikes which took place in Britain, particularly in 1917. It is true
that the cost of living tended to rise faster than actual wage rates; but family
earnings, on the whole, kept ahead of rises in the cost of living, because of the
increased number of wage-earners per family, and because of the longer hours of
work available to anyone willing to put them in. Overall there was a very clear gain
to the working class: they had the chance to purchase goods previously denied to
them. And this taste for new standards of affluence was to remain with them as a
continuing spur towards demanding further rises in their standard of living. The
strengthened market position can also be seen in the growth of trade union
membership, which rose from four million in 1914 to eight million in 1920.
Stronger trade unions led (in combination with the desire of the government to
reward labor for its efforts) to a reduction in the working week, from fifty hours at
the beginning of the war to forty-eight in the early 1920s. Without doubt, the
economic depression, itself largely a product of the disruptions of war, severely
curtailed the gains made by the working class. The labor troubles of the early 1920s
were part of the struggle of the workers to maintain the gains which they had made
during the war against attempts to return them to pre-war standards.

A second way in which wartime conditions could be turned to the advantage
of members of the working class was through their direct participation in govern-
ment. When the coalition government was formed in May 1915, a post was
allocated to the Secretary of the Labour Party, Arthur Henderson, whose general
brief was to watch over the interests of labor and to maintain labor support for the
government. When the small war cabinet was formed in December 1916, Hender-
son joined the select few, while a number of other Labour men were given
important posts. These representatives of the Labour Party, then, were able to
pressure governments into giving special attention to the social issues which were
of particular interest to the working class. In the long term, the fact that Labour
men were in government and were seen to work efficiently in government, greatly
enhanced the claims of the Labour Party to be accepted as a possible party of
government. Too much is sometimes made of the point (which is, nonetheless,
extremely important) that the government felt it necessary, as it were, to buy the

136

Page 300

Violence, institutional, and women:

Virginia, royal governor of: 202
Vittorio Veneto: 65
Voices Prophesying War: 76
Voltaire: 173

163

WPB. See War Production Board
Wabash, Ind., Plain Dealer, quoted:

Waldersee, Alfred von: 33
Wallace, Henry A,: 14, 95, 114
Walpole, Sir Robert: 30
Warsaw: 14
War

47

and the arts: 138-139
as a cohesive force: 1, 5, 6, 14-15,

130, 134, 138, 143, 173
as a divisive force: 1, 5, 57,

57, 58-59, 60-61, 69-70, 127,

58-59, 60-61, 134, 138,
173-174

glorification of 19-20, 22, 26, 29,

limited: 2, 22, 127, 185-186, 203,

preventive: 31, 33
and social change, measurement

total: 2, 20-22, 127, 128, 218

86

204, 207, 221

of 131-134

War, Office of the Assistant Secretary

War, Secretary of: 9, 10, 11, 103, 104
See also Stimson, Henry L.

War and Social Change in the
Twentieth Century: 139

War Department: 9, 13, 93-94, 95,
96, 97, 103, 104, 105, 107

See also Patterson, Robert L.,
Stimson, Henry L.

of 103, 107

War Industries Board: 49-50, 51, 53,
115, 116

War in the Air: 76
War Labor Board (WLB): 12, 98
War Ministry, German: 32, 35

War Manpower Commission (WMC):

War of American Independence: 127,

War Production Board (WPB): 8,

100, 174

204

95-98, 99, 100, 105, 105-106,
109, 120n

Industry Divison: 97, 98
Material Division: 97, 98
Office of Civilian Requirements:

Planning Committee: 96-97, 98,

Production Executive Committee

See also Nelson, Donald M.;
Wilson, Charles E.

War Relocation Authority: 10
War Resources Board: 104
War Service Act, 1912: 59
War Supervisory Office: 59
Warner, Lloyd: 172
Washington: 10
Washington, D.C.: I , 13, 14, 197,

198, 199, 200, 203, 204
Washington Post: 198
Watson, James

100

102, 105-106

(PEC): 97-98, 100, 106

discussion and comments: 176-177,
210, 211

ments: 210

comments: 71

Watson, Laura, discussion and com-

Watson, Robert J., discussion and

Wattenberg, Ben: 186, 207
Webb, Beatrice: 135
Webb, Sidney: 135
Weber, Eugene: 178
Week of the Barricades: 193
Wehrmacht. See Armed Forces, Ger-

Weigley, Russell F.: 21
man

discussion and comments: 119, 120
introductions: 82, 90, 110
remarks: 81-82

Weimar Republic: 84-85
See also Germany

286

Page 301

Wejerle, Alexander: 64
Wells, H.G.: 76
Westmoreland, Gen. William C.: 199
Whitlock, Brand, American Ambas-

White, Walter: 150
White House: 95, 111, 113, 114, 197,

199
Whitehall: 42
William 11, of Germany: 24, 25, 28,

Willkie, Wendell: 14
Wilson, Charles E.: 97-98, 106, 107

See also War Production Board,
Production Executive Com-
mittee

sador to Belgium: 139

31, 33, 37, 38

Wilson, Sir Henry H.: 29, 45
Wilson, Woodrow: 50, 61, 63, 65,

and declaration of war: 47-49
and legal coercion: 53, 54-55
and military conscription: 51-52

Wilsonian ideology: 5 , 20, 48, 50
Winkler, Allan M.: 66, 77

commentary: 67-70
Winter, J.M., quoted: 135
Wire services: 197

See also News media
Wirth, Lquis: 172
Women

73, 115, 217, 218

and the atomic bomb: 164-165
and childbearing: 157, 160, 161,

162, 163, 164-165, 166, 167,
168

and conscription: 158-159
and gain from war: 130, 137-138,

139, 140, 156, 159, 165-166,
167, 168, 170-171, 174, 219,
221

lesbians: 161, 162
and military service: 132, 158,

and pacificism: 167-168
and propaganda: 159, 161, 162,

177-178, 179

163, 165-166

public attitudes toward: 12, 39, 40,
157, 165-166, 167, 168, 170,
219

and reproduction: 157, 160-161,
163, 164-165, 166, 167,
167-168

self-perceptions: 157, 165, 166-168
and sex: 157, 160, 161-162, 163,

suffrage: 39, 130, 137-138, 139,

and violence: 157, 163-164, 167
in the work force: 12, 128, 130,

167

145, 146, I68

137, 139, 142, 157-160, 166,
167, 172, 174, 175

Women’s Land Army: 132
Women’s Section, Osaka Association

Women’s Volunteer Service: 141
Woodward, C. Vann: 69
Working class: 133, 134, 135,

See also specific country

of A-Bomb Victims: 164, 165

136-137, 138, 139, 144, 145, 218
See also Class structure; Labor

World War I: 48, 54, 60, 61, 62, 63,
65-66, 127-128, 130-131,
216-217, 218, 220-221

Carnegie Endowment for Interna-

destructiveness of 20
reactions to: 20-21
See also specific country; specific

World War 11: 1, 6-7, 81-82, 102-103,

as an extension of World War I: 21
attitudes toward and Vietnam:

reactions to: 21-22
See also specific country; specific

tional Peace studies of 128

topic

127-128, 221

173-174

topic
Wright, Gordon: 140

Yale University: 1, 5

Zagreb: 64, 65
Zechlin, Egmont: 32-33
Zeppelins: 76

287

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