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TitleParty, Parliament and Personality: Essays Presented to Hugh Berrington
LanguageEnglish
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Total Pages218
Table of Contents
                            Book Cover
Half-Title
Title
Copyright
Dedication
Contents
Notes on contributors
1  Introduction
2  Hugh Berrington: a profile and an appreciation
	REFERENCES
3  Democracy and disagreement
	PREFERENCE AGGREGATION IN THE WESTMINSTER MODEL
	SOME NORMATIVE ISSUES
	SOCIAL CHOICE AND CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM
	NOTE
	REFERENCES
4  The awkward art of reconciliation
5  Loyalists and defectors
	THE DEFECTOR-LOYALIST PUZZLE
	THE EUROPEAN ISSUE
	PERCEPTIONS OF LABOUR’S PROSPECTS
	THE IMPACT OF DESELECTION
	RELATIONS WITH THE LOCAL PARTY
	THE PERSONAL FACTOR: FINANCIAL PROSPECTS
	THE PERSONAL FACTOR: ROOTS IN THE LABOUR MOVEMENT
	CONCLUSIONS
	APPENDIX: POTENTIAL RECRUITS TO SDP WHO REMAINED IN THE LABOUR PARTY
	NOTES
	REFERENCES
6  ‘The Poison’d Chalice’
	INTRODUCTION
	TRADITIONAL PARTY POSITIONS
	PARTY DIVISIONS AND EUROPEAN INTEGRATION SINCE 1979
		The Labour Party
		The Conservative Party
	CONCLUSION
	NOTES
	REFERENCES
7  The industrial privatisation programmes of Britain and France
	CONVERGENT PRESSURES
	THE PROGRAMMATIC RESPONSE
	THE CONDITIONS FOR RADICAL POLICY-MAKING
	THE DIFFERENCES
	EXPLAINING THE DIFFERENCES
	SOME GENERAL CONCLUSIONS
	NOTE
	REFERENCES
8  Backbench opinion revisited
	INTRODUCTION
	IN QUEEN VICTORIA’S GLORIOUS DAYS
	BACKBENCH AND SON OF BACKBENCH
	OTHER ROLLCALL VOTING STUDIES IN BRITAIN
	PROSPECTS AND CONCLUSION
	NOTE
	REFERENCES
9  Members of Parliament and issues of conscience
	WHY ARE FREE VOTES HELD?
	WHY OUGHT THERE TO BE FREE VOTES?
	MORAL ISSUES, FREE VOTES AND REPRESENTATION
		The Burkean ideal
		Linking parliamentary and public opinion
	CONCLUSION
	NOTES
	REFERENCES
10  Parliamentary sovereignty and public opinion1
	IS THERE A PROBLEM OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN BRITAIN?
	THE DOCTRINE OF PARLIAMENTARY SOVEREIGNTY
	ALTERNATIVE CHECKS AND BALANCES
	UNELECTED, UNREPRESENTATIVE AND UNACCOUNTABLE
	SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION
	NOTES
	REFERENCES
11  Party, personality and law
	CORRUPTION AND POLITICAL CULTURE
		Modernising Italian politics
		Interpreting corruption
	THE SYSTEMATIC NATURE OF MODERN ITALIAN CORRUPTION
		The liberal state
		The republican state
		The institutionalization of corruption and the judicial response
		The collapse
	EXPLANATIONS OF SYSTEMATIC CORRUPTION
		Institutional incentives
		The weakness of normative sanctions
	CONCLUSION
	NOTES
	REFERENCES
12  Psychology and political theory
	INTRODUCTION
	THOMAS HOBBES (1588–1679)
	JEAN-JACQUES ROUSSEAU (1712–78)
	CONCLUSION
	NOTE
	REFERENCES
Bibliography of Hugh Berrington’s writings
	BOOKS
	ARTICLES AND CHAPTERS
	SELECTED UNPUBLISHED PAPERS
Index
                        
Document Text Contents
Page 109

telecommunications, and railways. Such an attempt would have constituted a
breach of the Constitution—a point readily conceded by Balladur during a
National Assembly debate on 22 April 1986. The 1986 Bill was referred to the
Constitutional Council and, as a result, was significantly amended. The Council
insisted, for instance, that a panel of independent experts carry out an assessment
of the value of the company to be privatised and that this panel—the Commission
de la Privatisation—should fix a minimum price for the shares at the point of
flotation. Overall, the reaction—real or anticipated—of the Council led the
Chirac government to amend five of the eight articles of the initial text—even
though the underlying principles and major thrust of the programme were left
intact. It may even be the case that the Council provided some legitimacy for the
programme by meeting some of the objections of the political opposition. The
Commission de la Privatisation, disbanded in 1988, has been recreated and
strengthened by the 1993 Act.

Any attempt radically to widen the scope of the privatisation programme to
embrace the police, prisons, key welfare services, immigration services and tax
collection would also be effectively prevented by the Constitutional Council,
jealous guardian of the inalienable prerogatives of the regalian state.

Legal constraints

These have not only slowed down the pace of some privatisations because of the
complex and time-consuming requirements to change the legal status of certain
firms to be privatised. More importantly, in some industries such as
telecommunications and postal services some workers enjoy the same status as
civil servants and are protected by a statut du personnel—a statut which is
protected by the Council of State, France’s highest administrative appeal court.
Any change in the statut would require difficult and protracted negotiations with
very reluctant trade unions.

Political constraints

The first, and obvious constraint is that of time. Whereas the Conservative
government has had many years of uninterrupted office, the same cannot be said
of the French right. The 1986 programme was brought to a resounding halt with
the victory of the left two years later. However, even in office, the French
government has faced greater political impediments. Effective political
opposition did not emanate from the Presidency, even though François
Mitterrand has always voiced his hostility to elements of the privatisation
programme. In 1986, he refused to sign the ordonnance authorising the
programme, thus forcing the Chirac government to seek parliamentary
authorisation by way of a law. This had the minor effect of postponing the
promulgation of the programme by one month. In 1993, the President again
couched his hostility in terms of the threat posed to national independence of the

VINCENT WRIGHT 99

Page 110

privatisation of strategic and defence-related enterprises. At the Council of
Ministers on 26 May and on television on 14 July he specifically mentioned Elf-
Acquitaine, Air France, Aérospatial and SNECMA. However, the President may
advise and warn but not obstruct. As in the United Kingdom, Parliament in
France has not forced the government to abandon the major objectives of its
privatisation programmes. But in 1986 and in 1993 it forced out of the
government important concessions relating to the golden share, the ceiling on
foreign stakes, and the role of the Privatisation Commission. It also successfully
insisted that the government present an annual report to Parliament on the
implementation of the programme.

The final source of opposition which has been more effective in France than in
the United Kingdom is that of the trade unions. They have been ineffective—as
in Britain—in the internationalised and competitive sectors. But in Renault and
in the postal services they have proved difficult partners in renegotiating the terms
of the statut du personnel. In Elf-Acquitaine they have organised strikes to
protest against privatisation, and in Air France they belatedly but successfully
organised opposition to a moderate restructuring plan which was deemed
necessary for a successful flotation of the firm. A nine-day strike in October
1993 brought air traffic to a standstill, forcing the government into humiliating
retreat and leading to the resignation of the chairman of the company.

Cultural constraints

The constitutional, legal and political constraints which have moderated and
shaped the French programme are embedded in a wider tissue of cultural
constraints. Indeed, they are often the articulation or formalisation of those
cultural constraints. The parameters of public policy-making are forged by a set
of intertwined preoccupations rooted in a dramatic and divided history: national
independence; the republican ideal; the conception of the state, with its limits,
rights and obligations; the notion of the public good and of the public service.
They sit in uneasy equilibrium, and each is inconsistently applied and protected.
But they are given constitutional and legal expression, and, collectively, they
generally constitute a significant inhibiting barrier to those whose ambitions
appear seriously to call into question their legitimacy. Many aspects of radical
privatisation a l’anglaise would represent a questioning of each of the
preoccupations mentioned above. For that reason it is unlikely to be pursued.
Indeed, each of the more muted aspects of the French programme could be
explained by reference to one or other of the preoccupations.

SOME GENERAL CONCLUSIONS

The first major conclusion to emerge from this brief study is that powerful,
interrelated, international, European Union and technological pressures may
force change, but they do not dictate the scale, the timing, the pace and the

100 PARTY, PARLIAMENT AND PERSONALITY

Page 217

royal grants, as free votes 143
Rüdig, W. 106

Saint-Gobain (company) 104–5, 109
Sandelson, Neville 69
Sani, G. 181
Scotland, parliamentary sovereignty and

171–2
Senior, Nassau 136
Sergeant, John 42
Shelbourne, Philip 108
shipbuilding industry (Britain) 103
Short, E. 144
Sidgwick, H. 28–9
Silkin, John 71
Silver, A. 136
Silverman, Sydney 124, 144
Sindona, Michele 186
single currency issue in EU 93
Skinner, Dennis 137
Smellie, K. B. 14
Smellie, Stephanie 14
Smith, Catherine Llewellyn (later Mrs

Berrington) 14
Smith, John 44, 46, 49
SNECMA 116
social choice theory 3;

and constitutional reform 39–40;
normative criteria 36–7;
and Westminster model of government
27

social class and cohesion, Labour Party 126
Social Contract (Rousseau) 212, 213, 215–

18, 220–3
Social Democratic Party (SDP) 4–5;

age of defectors 73;
breakaway from Labour 61–83;
defectors and trade unions 75–6;
and deselection by Labour 68–9;
and Europe 64–6, 88;
financial prospects of defectors 73–4;
and Labour deputy leader election 71–
2;
as Labour right wing members 61–4;
and local party relationships 69– 73;
members (1981–3) 62;
personal factors in defection 73–7;

views of, lack of unity 64;
views on Labour’s prospects 66–7

social democratic policies (1945–55) 36
social dimension and policy of EC 89;

Conservative Party on 91–2, 93
social policy, Conservative Party on 136–7
Socialist Party (Italy) 187–8
socialist/laissez-faire scale of attitudes

137–8
socialisation process in Italian politics 193–

4
Société Générale 104–5
Sogénal (company) 104–5, 109
Speech to the Electors of Bristol (Burke)

155
steel industry (Britain) 103
Strachey, John 13
structure-induced equilibrium in issue-by-

issue median 35
Studlar, D.T. 99
Suez (company) 104–5
Sun 44
Sunday entertainment, as issue of

conscience 142, 152
Sunday trading, as issue of conscience 142,

147, 152

Talmon, J.L. 223
Tanassi, Mario 193, 199
tax evasion, and political corruption in Italy

198
Tebbit, Lord Norman 95
technological pressures for privatisation

101
telecommunications industry (Britain) 103,

111
television, as check on parliament 174
TFI (company) 104–5
Thatcher, Denis 52
Thatcher, Margaret 2, 49–50, 53, 56, 57,

58;
Bruges speech (1988) 89, 92;
hostility towards Europe 92–3;
Ingham as press secretary 42–3, 49–50;
resignation 42–4

Thomas, Jeffrey 64
Thomas, S. 109

INDEX 207

Page 218

Thompson, Pat 14
Thomson (company) 102
The Times 49
Timpson, Annis 8–9, 165–79
Trabucchi scandal (Italy) 186
Trades Union Congress (TUC) 89
trade unions, views on Europe 86–7, 88–9
Tribune Group 63
Turone, S. 187

Under-Secretaries 51
Urwin, Tom 73, 75
US Sprint 101
Usinor (steel company) 102

Varley, Eric 48, 57, 63, 66
Verba, S. 181
Vickers, J. 99
The Village Soothsayer (Rousseau) 212
vivisection, as issue of conscience 146, 152
voting behaviour 15
voting patterns:

Condorcet winners in 33–6;
issue-by-issue median in 34–9;
MPs 7–8;
see also free votes

Wallis, John 207, 209
de Warens, Mme 212, 216
water industry (Britain) 103
Weale, Albert 3, 5, 22–41
Weetch, Ken 67
welfare policy 151
Wellbeloved, Jim 65, 76
Westland affair 50
Westminster model:

and issues of conscience 141;
of preference aggregation 27–32

Wets and Dries in Conservative Party 137–
8

whipping in parliament 122–3, 129;
free votes 143

Whitehead, Phillip 67
Whitelaw, Lord William 49, 56
Why You Should be a Socialist (Strachey)

13
Williams, P.M. 133

Williams, Shirley 61, 63, 65
Wilson, Harold 46, 48, 50, 63
women:

discrimination of 168–9;
in parliament, and issues of conscience
160

Wrigglesworth, Ian 64
Wright, Vincent 6–7, 19, 99–120

Young, Lord 111

Zaccagnini, Beniamino 191
Zaharidis, N. 99
Zariski, R. 181

208 INDEX

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