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TitleMarxism, Fascism, and Totalitarianism: Chapters in the Intellectual History of Radicalism
LanguageEnglish
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Total Pages443
Table of Contents
                            Title Page
Copyright Page
Dedication
Acknowledgments
Table of Contents
Preface
CHAPTER ONE - Introduction
	FASCISM AND COMMUNISM
	SOVIET COMMUNISM, NATIONALISM, AND FASCISM
	“FASCISM,” AND “NEOFASCISM,” AS CONCEPTS
	TOTALITARIANISM
	SOME ISSUES IN THE INTELLECTUAL HISTORY OF REVOLUTION
CHAPTER TWO - The Roots of Revolutionary Ideology
	MARXISM AND “PHANTOMS FORMED IN THE BRAIN”
	MARXIST ETHICS AND DARWINISM
	KARL KAUTSKY AND A DARWINIAN MARXISM
	MARXISM, MORALS, AND SCIENCE
	MARX AND ENGELS AND THE CLOSE OF THE SYSTEM
CHAPTER THREE - The Heterodox Marxism of Ludwig Woltmann
	MARXISM AND LUDWIG WOLTMANN
	BACK TO KANT
	WOLTMANN, DARWINISM, AND MARXISM
	THE RACISM OF LUDWIG WOLTMANN
	THE LEGACY
CHAPTER FOUR - The Heterodox Marxism of Georges Sorel
	THE REVOLUTIONARY DOCTRINE OF GEORGES SOREL
	THE REVOLUTIONARY SYNDICALISM OF GEORGES SOREL
	SOREL AND THE PHILOSOPHY OF HENRI BERGSON
CHAPTER FIVE - The Heterodox Marxism of V.I. Lenin
	GEORGI PLEKHANOV AND THE EDUCATION OF V. I. LENIN
	DARWINISM, MARXIST ORTHODOXY, AND THE PSYCHOLOGY OF REVOLUTION
	V. I. LENIN AND THE “CREATIVE DEVELOPMENT” OF MARXISM
	LENINISM AND MARXIST ORTHODOXY
	LENIN’S ETHICS
CHAPTER SIX - The Heterodox Marxism of Benito Mussolini
	THE MARXIST ORTHODOXY OF THE YOUNG MUSSOLINI
	MUSSOLINI, SOREL, AND REVOLUTIONARY SYNDICALISM
	SOREL, MUSSOLINI, AND THE VOCIANI
	SYNDICALISM, NATIONALISM, AND MUSSOLINI
	MUSSOLINI, AUSTRO-MARXISM, AND NATIONALISM
CHAPTER SEVEN - The National Question and Marxist Orthodoxy
	CLASSICAL MARXISM AND NATIONALISM
	LENINISM AND THE NATIONALITIES QUESTION
	LENIN AND STALIN ON THE NATIONAL QUESTION
	OTTO BAUER AND PROLETARIAN NATIONALISM
	BAUER, MARXISM, AND LUDWIG GUMPLOWICZ
CHAPTER EIGHT - Revolutionary Syndicalism and Nationalism
	SYNDICALISM, SOCIAL SCIENCE, AND NATIONALISM
	MICHELS AND NATIONAL SENTIMENT
	MICHELS AND “PROLETARIAN NATIONALISM”
	FILIPPO CORRIDONI, THE ARCHANGEL OF SYNDICALISM
	ITALY, REVOLUTIONARY SYNDICALISM, AND THE COMING OF THE GREAT WAR
CHAPTER NINE - The Great War and the Response of Revolutionary Marxists
	MARX AND ENGELS ON WAR
	V. I. LENIN AND THE COMING OF THE GREAT WAR
	CAPITALISM IN ITS HIGHEST AND FINAL STAGE
	THE BACKGROUND IN ITALY
	BENITO MUSSOLINI AND THE COMING OF THE GREAT WAR
CHAPTER TEN - The Great War, Revolution, and Leninism
	LENINISM AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF MARXISM
	MARXISM, DEMOCRACY, AND THE STATE
	LENIN AND THE “DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT”
	LENIN, THE STATE, AND THE POSTREVOLUTIONARY ECONOMY
CHAPTER ELEVEN - The Great War, Revolution, and Fascism
	THE FIRST FASCISM
	FASCISM, DEMOCRACY, AND THE STATE
	MUSSOLINI, THE STATE, AND DEVELOPMENTAL NATIONALISM
CHAPTER TWELVE - Conclusions
	REVOLUTION AND THE REINTERPRETATION OF MARXISM
	MORALITY, LAW, AND THE STATE IN FASCISM
	MORALITY, LAW, AND THE STATE IN LENINISM
	REVOLUTIONARY DICTATORSHIPS AND TOTALITARIANISM
	THE END OF TOTALITARIANISM
Notes
Index
                        
Document Text Contents
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Marxism, Fascism, and
Totalitarianism

Chapters in the Intellectual History of Radicalism

Page 221

and workers alike.68 He clearly expected some form of “class collaboration”
during the process, until industrialization produced the mature working class that
might service a syndicalist economy.69

During the interim, from economic backwardness to industrial maturity,
Corridoni expected the war that loomed on the horizon to result in the final
territorial completion of the “beloved nation” that had only recently achieved
nationhood with the Risorgimento.70 In itself, that would stimulate economic
growth and industrial sophistication. Other than the immediate effect of
resolving the nation’s irridentist impulses, a victorious Italy, having successfully
conducted itself in a major conflict, would be capable of defending its future
economic and commercial interests.

That would be an important consideration, since at the victorious conclusion
of such a war, the nation would be at the crossroads of trade between the
Mediterranean and Asia. Italy would once again become a mercantile nation—
required to defend its sea lines of communication and trade. Its economy would
grow and deepen.71

Italians would no longer find it necessary to leave their homeland to search for
a livelihood in the service of foreigners. The nation would be cured of that
“dangerous malady that deprived it of its most youthful and most ardent
workers.”72

Corridoni spoke of all this as part of an “adaptive” or “transitional”
revolution. 73 The conditions necessary for the revolution Marx had anticipated
had not matured. The revolution that urged itself on Italy would serve as
transitional to the economic and industrial maturity of the peninsula.

Until the very day he left to take up arms in a national struggle from which he
was not to return, his ultimate purpose remained forever constant. The revolution
he anticipated would involve an extensive collaboration of classes—ill defined
as classes were in that largely ill-defined economic environment of retrograde
Italy.74 In the future, under the auspices of a developmental revolution, class
interests would be more sharply defined. In some future time, Corridoni sought
the advent of an “integral” and “organic” republic, arrayed in federated, and
confederated, craft and professional syndicates.

For the more immediate future, he went on to propose a people’s militia, in
place of a standing army, that would involve all citizens in the defense of the
nation. That, together with the proposed federation of workers’ syndicates to

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govern the economy, the functions, and hence the prerogatives, of the
“bourgeois” political state would be maximally reduced.75 The bourgeois state
would no longer cripple the economy with enactments that succeeded only in
dissipating capital and deflecting productivity.

Echoing Sorel and his syndicalist colleagues, Corridoni sought a revolutionary
society of combatants and producers. To that purpose, he advocated popular
legislative initiative, referendum, and recall in order to achieve and sustain the
republic anticipated by the original founders of the movement.

As an activist advocate of Italy’s intervention in the Great War, Corridoni
recognized the role played by commitment to the national community in the
entire historic process that was unfolding. What is equally clear is the fact that
Corridoni understood that Italy had only begun the arduous process of economic
maturation. If the process were to be successful, it would involve all Italians in a
complex and demanding series of responsibilities that promised little in terms of
immediate material benefit. There would be only moral satisfactions and
personal fulfillment for those animated by the spirit of devotion to a much loved
“community of destiny.”76

As has been suggested, many Marxists at the turn of the twentieth century
understood the sentiment of association that inspired commitment, sacrifice, and
labor from human beings. As a generic sentiment—the probable product of
evolutionary selection—it could infill any number of alternative associations. By
the advent of the First World War, many Marxists understood that workers, as a
class, could share a sentiment of belonging with all citizens of the national
community. Very few, Lenin among them, refused to accept such a possibility or
draw out any of its implications.

ITALY, REVOLUTIONARY SYNDICALISM, AND THE
COMING OF THE GREAT WAR
The Great War was the cauldron in which were fused all those elements of

traditional Marxism that had sorted themselves out of the body of work left as an
intellectual heritage by Marx and Engels. At the core was a recognition that
human beings were disposed, by nature, to identify themselves with a
community of similars. Long before it became a concern for those who later
became known as “mainstream” Marxists, syndicalists had written extensively
about the moral and psychological relationship of individuals and the groups
with which they identified themselves.

Olivetti and Orano had early written about the psychology of human beings in

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Warrior producers
Wars: economic motives; Franco-Prussian; Marx and Engels on; moral justification; Mussolini on; race;
revolutionary; ruling class motives; socialist views. Italo-Turkish War; World War I

Weber, Max
Weismann, August
Will: Adler on; Bergson on; collective; determinate; Dietzgen on; economic determinants of action; in
Fascism; free; individual; Kant on; Kautsky on; Lenin on; Marxist view; Michels on; of proletariat

Wittgenstein, Ludwig
Woltmann, Ludwig: on class identification; on class struggle; critical review of Marxism; criticism of
capitalism; on Darwinism; death; on evolution; Gumplowicz’s influence on;

; on history; Kautsky on; legacy; Lenin on; modifications to Marxism; on morality;
Mussolini on; nationalism; ; on racial strife; racism; on return to Kant; on
revolution; Sorel’s differences from; theory of knowledge

Workers: effects of war; general strikes; Italian; nationalism; revolutionary role; Russian; Soviet;
transformation into proletariat. Labor organizations; Proletariat

World War I: beginning of; economic benefits for Italy; effect on Marxism; German Social Democratic
view; Italian interventionists; Italian Socialist Party position; Italian veterans; Italian views; Lenin’s
position; Mussolini’s position; nationalism of working classes; origins; peace treaty; socialist
responses; voluntary service of workers

World War II: Axis powers; end of; German occupation of Italy; as war against fascism

Yugoslavia

Page 443

a Zeev Sternhell, with Mario Sznajder and Maia Asheri, The Birth of Fascist
Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1994), p. 12. *Martin Malia, “Foreword,” Stephane Courtois
(ed.), The Black Book of Communism: Crimes, Terror, Repression, translated by
Johnathan Murphy and Mark Kramer (Cambridge: Harvard University Press,
1999), p. x.

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