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TitleIt Is Dangerous to Be Right When the Government Is Wrong: The Case for Personal Freedom
LanguageEnglish
File Size1.7 MB
Total Pages315
Table of Contents
                            Author’s Note: Is Freedom a Myth or Reality?
Introduction: Where Do Our Rights Come From?
Chapter 1:
Jefferson’s Masterpiece: The Declaration of Independence
Chapter 2:
Get Off My Land: The Right to Own Property
Chapter 3:
Names Will Never Hurt Me: The Freedom of Speech
Chapter 4:
I Left My Rights in San Francisco: The Freedom of Association
Chapter 5:
You Can Leave Any Time You Want: The Freedom to Travel
Chapter 6:
You Can Leave Me Alone: The Right to Privacy
Chapter 7:
Hands Off: You Own Your Body
Chapter 8:
Sticks and Stones Will Break My Bones: The Right to Self-Defense
Chapter 9:
You’ll Hear from Me: The Right to Petition the Government for Redress of Grievances
Chapter 10:
War . . . War . . . What Is It Good For?: The Right to Enjoy Peace
Chapter 11:
When the Devil Turns Round on You: The Right to Fairness from the Government
Chapter 12:
A Dime Isn’t Worth a Penny Anymore: The Right to Sound Money
Chapter 13:
Theft by Any Other Name: The Right to Spend Your Own Money
Chapter 14:
A Ride on Dr. Feinberg’s Bus: The Right to Be Governed by Laws with Moral Limits
Chapter 15:
Ignoring Stupidity: The Right to Reject the State
Acknowledgments
Notes
Index
About the Author
                        
Document Text Contents
Page 2

i





IT IS DANGEROUS TO
BE RIGHT
WHEN THE

GOVERNMENT
IS WRONG

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militia, and the militia can only be armed by guns used by the military. The
failure of the Court to investigate the truth and reject this narrow and obviously
incorrect interpretation of the Second Amendment created a wide-open door for
the enactment of gun regulations over the next seventy years.
By 1968, the government took the opportunity to intrude even more on the

natural right to keep and bear arms by enacting the Gun Control Act of 1968 and
Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act. These Acts required all gun
owners to be over the age of eighteen and prohibited the sales of arms between
residents of different states. Moreover, a gun-licensing program was
implemented, and a manipulative “sporting test” was developed. Yet, after
allegations of abuse and a complete about-face by the government, the Firearms
Owners Protection Act of 1986 was enacted. The Act resulted from a 1982
bipartisan Senate subcommittee. The subcommittee was tasked with
investigating the Second Amendment and found,

128

The conclusion is thus inescapable that the history, concept, and wording of the second amendment
to the Constitution of the United States, as well as its interpretation by every major commentator and
court in the first half century after its ratification, indicates that what is protected is an individual
right of a private citizen to own and carry firearms in a peaceful manner.11

While the subcommittee concluded the above, the Act did not reinstate the
natural right to self-defense. Instead, the Act banned the manufacture, transfer,
and civilian use of machine guns not manufactured as of the date of the Act. But,
of course, there was one exception: Those for the police.
By 1993, the government was up to its old tricks, and President Clinton signed

into law the Brady Handgun Prevention Act (Brady Act) on November 30th
1993. The Brady Act was named in honor of James Brady. During the attempted
assassination of President Ronald Reagan, a stray bullet hit Brady, Reagan’s
press secretary, and left him permanently disabled. Consequently, he and his
wife have devoted their lives to assaulting the right to self-defense. The main
purpose of the Act was to provide “for a waiting period before the purchase of a
handgun, and for the establishment of a national instant criminal background
check system to be contacted by firearms dealers before the transfer of any
firearm.”12 In doing so, the Act imposed a five-day interim measure before a
licensed importer, manufacturer, or dealer may sell, deliver, or transfer a
handgun to an unlicensed individual. While the interim measure applied only in
states without an acceptable alternate system of conducting background checks

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on handgun purchasers, it expired on November 30th 1998, and the waiting
period ceased to apply when the computerized instant check system came online.
Finally, the government enacted the Violent Crime Control and Law

Enforcement Act of 1994, or more appropriately the “Federal Assault Weapons
Ban.” The main thrust of the Act was to prohibit the sale of specified
semiautomatic firearms, which were defined as “assault weapons,” to civilians.
Additionally, the Act designated nineteen weapons as assault weapons and then
provided a definition of assault weapons based on certain senseless combinations
of a variety of non-lethal features.

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Now, at first you may be sympathetic to a ban on “assault weapons,” but in
reality, these weapons are no more potent than your or your neighbor’s legal
hunting rifle. In fact, the bullets are fired one at a time, at the same speed, and
produce the same damage as a hunting rifle. So then, what is the difference? The
rifle’s plastic casing. That’s right, the government is not protecting you from
machine guns producing a spray fire; no, it is restricting your right to own a
dangerous- hunting rifle.
Fortunately, the Violent Crime Control Act expired in 2004, and not

surprisingly, the United States did not dissolve into chaos. Rather, there was no
uptick in crime rates, and the FBI reported a 3.6 percent drop in violent crimes
the following year. This was the first drop in five years, and the states that
maintained the assault weapon ban experienced the smallest drop in murder
rates. Of course, the government claims we were safer with the ban, and the drop
in crime rates did not make the national news; but the numbers do not lie.
By creating gun bans and stripping you of your natural right to protect your

personal property, the government is not keeping you any safer; rather, the
government is giving criminals more firepower for their crimes. This can only be
exemplified through a close analysis of the numbers, numbers which the
government continually chooses to ignore.

Numbers Don’t Lie; People Do

The argument is simple: . Year after year, the
statistics prove the number of gun crimes committed lessens as prohibitions on
guns are weakened. Yet, if you were to listen to the mainstream media and

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About the Author

A graduate of Princeton University and the University of Notre Dame Law
School, Judge Andrew P. Napolitano is the youngest life-tenured Superior
Court judge in the history of the State of New Jersey. He sat on the bench from
1987 to 1995, when he presided over more than 150 jury trials and addressed
thousands of motions, sentencings, and hearings. He taught constitutional law at
Seton Hall Law School for eleven years, and he returned to private practice in
1995. Judge Napolitano began television work in the same year.
As the Senior Judicial Analyst for Fox News, Judge Napolitano broadcasts

nationwide on the Fox News Channel (FNC) and the Fox Business Network
(FBN) throughout the day, Monday through Friday. He hosts FreedomWatch on
FBN on weekdays, and he is the one of the rotating hosts for The Five, weekdays
on FNC.
Judge Napolitano is a nationally recognized lecturer on the U.S. Constitution,

the rule of law, civil liberties in wartime, and human freedom. He has been
published in the New York Times, the Wall Street Journal, the Los Angeles Times,
and numerous other publications. This book is his sixth on the U.S. Constitution.

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