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TitleGood Governance and Conflict Transformation in Sri Lanka
LanguageEnglish
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Total Pages329
Table of Contents
                            Acknowledgements
Table of Content:
	Preface
	Acknowledgements
	Abbreviations
	List of Graphs, Boxes and Tables
	Executive Summary (English & German)
	Introduction
		
			
				
	Institution Building and Conflict in Sri Lanka
Milestones in the devolution politics and discourse on federalism
	
		
			
				
Key Issues, Challenges and Reforms of Local Governance
References
	
		
			Abbreviations
			Box 1:
			Box 2:
			Box 3:
			Box 4:
			Box 5:
			Table 1:
			Table 2:
			Table 3:
			Table 4:
			Table 5:
			Table 6:
			Table 7:
			Table 8:
			Table 9:
			Figure 1:
			Figure 2:
			Figure 3:
			Figure 4:
			Figure 5:
			Map 1:
			Map 2:
			Map 3:
			Map 4:
			Map of Sri Lanka with Research Location
	Summary
	Zusammenfassung
Chapter 1: Introduction
	1.1 Democracy and governance in Sri Lanka – background to the research
	1.2 Core Concept and Research Methodology
		1.2.1 ‘Perceptions count’ – assessing governance through the eyes of the people
		1.2.2 Learning from ‘Case Studies’ – local governance in three regions of Sri Lanka
			
				Table 1: Profile of the Research Study Districts
		1.2.3 Empirical research methodology
	1.3 Chapter Outline
Chapter 2: ‘Governance’ and ‘Good Governance’ – the International Discourse
	2.1 Governance – from government to (good) governance
		2.1.1 The discourses on ‘democracy measuring’ and ‘assessing governance’
		2.1.2 Roots and definitions of the governance discourse
			
				
	2.2 Strengthening the local level – decentralisation, challenges and trends
		2.2.1 Challenges and trends of local governance
		2.2.2 Decentralisation – strengthening local governance towards more efficiency and the accommodation of diversity
	2.3 International approaches and indicators to assess good governance
		2.3.1 The international good governance discourse and indices (World Bank & UN-Habitat)
			
				
		2.3.2 Conclusion: Developing a context-specific good governance model
			
				Table 2: Governance Indices and Assessment Approaches
				Figure 1: Developing a context-specific good governance model
Chapter 3: Institution Building and Conflict in Sri Lanka
	3.1 Dynamics of protracted conflict in Sri Lanka
	3.2 Milestones in devolution politics and discourse on federalism
		
			
				Box 3: The Discourse on Federalism in Sri Lanka
	3.3 Re-centralisation or more autonomy for local government?
		3.3.1 Historical development of the local government system
		3.3.2 Introduction and functions of the provincial council system
		3.3.3 The present local government system
		3.3.4 Reform Agenda of the Ministry of Home Affairs, Provincial Council and Local Government
Chapter 4: Empirical Study on ‘Good Governance’ and the Realities of Local Governance in Selected Regions of Sri Lanka
	4.1 Introduction to the three research regions: the actors, institutions and development & conflict dimensions
		4.1.1 Ambagamuwa Pradeshiya Sabha, Nuwara Eliya District
			
				
				Map 2: Research Study Location in Nuwara Eliya District – Ambagamuwa PS Area
				Table 3: Ambagamuwa PS Area - Population on the Basis of Ethnicity
				Table 4: Ambagamuwa PS Area - Population on the Basis of Religion
		4.1.2 Moneragala Pradeshiya Sabha, Moneragala District
			
				
				Map 3: Research Study Location in Moneragala District – Moneragala PS Area
				Table 5: Moneragala PS Area - Population on the Basis of Ethnicity
				Table 6: Moneragala PS Area - Population on the Basis of Religion
		4.1.3 Kaluvanchikudiyiruppu Pradeshiya Sabha & Kattankudy Urban Council, Batticaloa District
			
				
	Sectors
		
			
				Box 5: Socio-economic situation in war-affected Batticaloa District, Sri Lanka 2003
4.2 Finding a local definition for good governance and elaboration of the research framework
	4.2.1  'Good governance' or 'bad governance' - definition and indicators for good governance as provided by local elites
		
			Figure 3:  Indicators for good governance as defined by local elites from three regions in Sri Lanka
			Figure 4:  Indicators for ‘bad governance’ as defined by local elites from three regions in Sri Lanka
	4.2.2 Assessment of governance by local elites
		
			Table 8: Agencies important for good governance at the local level
	4.2.3 Elaborating on an organizing research framework of good governance indicators
4.3 Comparative study of local governance in three regions of Sri Lanka
	4.3.1 Efficiency
		
			
				
	4.3.2 Responsiveness and Equality
		
			
				
	4.3.3 Professional Leadership
		
			
				
	4.3.4 Transparency and Accountability
		
			
				
	4.3.5 People’s Participation
		
			
				
	4.3.6 Rule of Law and Human Rights Protection
		
			
				
	4.3.7 Trust in Politics and Basic Security
		
			
				
	4.3.8 Conflict Transformation Capacities
		
			
				
	4.3.9 Level of good governance in the three research regions – summary of findings
Chapter 5: Key Issues, Challenges and Reforms of Local Governance
	5.1 Key actors and key issues of local governance in Sri Lanka
		5.1.1 Status quo of good governance at local level – the key actors
		5.1.2 Status quo of good governance at local level – the key issues and challenges
	5.2 Reform agenda to strengthen local governance in Sri Lanka
		5.2.1 Extension of devolution of power to the local level
		5.2.2 Improvement of financial management systems
		5.2.3 Improvement of human resource management, capacity building, and promotion system
		5.2.4 Increase of people’s participation in local planning
		5.2.5	Develop measures to support ethnic harmony and conflict transformation mechanisms
		5.2.6 Revision of the local election system or creation of alternative form of power-sharing
		5.2.7 Strengthening the law enforcement and security system
		5.2.8 Challenges for local governance reforms in the North-East
Chapter 6: Redefining good governance in Sri Lanka - visionary thinking and lessons learnt
	6.1 Value-added of the methodological approach for good governance concepts
	6.2 Value-added of the empirical findings for good governance in Sri Lanka
	6.3 Lessons learnt for local and national governance reforms
Local Governance and Conflict Management Research Project
Household Survey Interview Guideline/ Monaragala
The Role of Pradeshiya Sabha
c) Opposition party people
	
		
			
				
			Research Locations in Batticaloa District
				Good governance
	No comments
		
			
				Good governance
				Good governance
Others
	
		
			Agencies important for good governance at the local level - regional differences
References
                        
Document Text Contents
Page 164

Chapter 4: Empirical Findings from Case Studies


151

“There is nothing wrong with paying taxes, but we have not received any benefits. Yet we have to

pay. Now that’s wrong. There are no facilities. No water, electricity, phone connections. Yet, we

have to pay those taxes.” (Deputy Secretary Rate Payers Association, Moneragala).
65





Civil society representatives in Moneragala stressed that even if local leaders try to implement

something for the people, there is political interference from central government politicians,

who put pressure on them to serve mainly their own voter base. These interferences on party

partisan lines undermine the ability of local government to be equally responsive to all its

constituents.

However, the newly elected PS-council in Moneragala stated that partisan politics is not followed

within their council’s area and that they have the intention of overcoming a partisan political

culture and work together for all communities:

“Actually, the local government is not a place where one has to function with a partisan attitude,

but we should rather be of the opinion that we are all equal and therefore we must all be

represented. So we must not have members among us whom we categorize as government or

opposition and since we co-exist in this manner I believe we can move forward with our proposed

development plans” (Pradeshiya Sabha Council Member, Moneragala PS).
66





With regard to the good governance indicator equality, the situation of the small minority group

of Tamil estate workers was described as more deprived and marginalized. An elected PS-

council members stated that in this area there are no differences between people living in the

estates and the village population, as there is a close connection between both areas:

“Now, we are a group of people who have lived with the estate people from the time we were

born. Even me, my first job was in the estates. I have been born among the estates. So I have

lived and grown up among the estates and I can say that there is no difference between the

village and the estate. There is no conflict. To a great degree the two entities function together –

so far we have not faced difficulty in this area” (Pradeshiya Sabha Council Member, Moneragala

PS).
67




However, Tamil estate worker and trade union representatives did not agree with this statement

and feel that there are specific problems that Tamil estate workers are confronted with. Tamil

families of Kumarawatte Estate (Paravilla) expressed that they feel completely isolated:

“The PS would not do something for us, the PS does not accept any proposals given by us. As

neglected group (tamil estate community) we have no voice. If at all, only the trade unions come

to speak to us” (Female Shop Owner, Kumarawatte Estate, Moneragala).
68






65

Interview No. 41, 19.07.02, Focus group discussion Moneragala.
66

Interview No. 36, 18.07.02, Group interview with PS council chairman & representatives, Moneragala.
67

Interview No. 36, 18.07.02, Group interview with PS council chairman & representatives, Moneragala.
68

Interview No. 27, 31.05.02, Key informant interview in Kumarawatte Estate, Paravilla division, Moneragala.

Page 165

Chapter 4: Empirical Findings from Case Studies


152

Even the Tamil politicians do not come and look into their problems. Estate people feel that

there is no Tamil political representation. As mentioned earlier, the activities of the trade unions

are also very limited in this area, as Moneragala is not an important vote base for the political

parties affiliated to the trade unions.
69



Language was stressed as one of the important factors that contribute to the deprivation of the

Tamil speaking community in Moneragala. There seem to be problems for Tamil people to find

their way in public buildings such as the hospital in Moneragala town or to find a Tamil speaking

doctor, police officers and even PS members who are able to understand and speak Tamil:

In Moneragala town, we can’t read anything, when we enter the hospital, as everything is written

in Sinhala. Additionally there is no Tamil speaking doctor…. In the estate all higher officers are

Sinhalese (Tamil Estate Women, Kumarawatte Estate, Moneragala).
70




The representatives of the PS agreed that there is sometimes a problem of access related to

language, as most of the elected council members do not speak Tamil and therefore have

problems to talk to Tamil people to take up problems and complaints:

“There is sometimes a language problem. We accept that. Now there are some people who, …do

not speak even one word of Sinhalese. Even I meet such people. Now I myself, I can speak just a

few words of Tamil. So I manage to just speak of what is important and ease off the situation.

There are times when someone comes to me in a hurry to get a Birth Certificate attended to and

at that point I have to engage the help of someone else to translate so I can understand what is

being said, …there is a language problem” (Pradeshiya Sabha Council Member, Moneragala

PS).
71




But the awareness that this might be a problem that triggers inter-ethnic tensions is often not

given among representatives of state institutions, as evident by the statement of some police

officers in charge for the area:

“There haven’t been any problems like that, most of the time the Tamils and Muslims know

Sinhala. If that fails they bring someone who can. They have gotten used to doing this. They bring

someone who speaks in Sinhala and that person speaks to us. Otherwise they can write their

complaint. Then our police officials can get it translated” (Police officer, Moneragala).
72




Another major issue of deprivation seems to be that many Tamil estate workers do not have an

identity card, mainly because they also have no birth certificate, which is the necessary

document to obtain other documents. Although there is a procedure for the procurement of a

birth-certificate, it is very often the case that this procedure is not followed, either due to a lack of


69

Interview No 27-28, 31.05.02, Key informant interviews in Kumarawatte Estate, Paravilla division, Moneragala.
70

Interview No. 27, 31.05.02, Key informant interview at village visit in Kumarawatte Estate, Paravilla division, Female
shop owner plus 4 women.
71

Interview No. 36, 18.07.02, Group interview with PS council chairman & representatives, Moneragala.
72

Interview No. 41, 19.07.02, Focus group discussion Moneragala.

Page 328

References


315


WORLD BANK 2004. Governance Diagnostic Capacity Building, www.worldbank.org/wbi/
governance/capacitybuild/index.html.

YOUNG, C. (ed.) 1998. Ethnic Diversity and Public Policy: a Comparative Inquiry, (United Nations
Research Institute for Social Development), Basingstoke: Macmillan.

YOUNG, I.M. 1995. “Together in Difference. Transforming the Logic of Group Political Conflict“, in
W. Kymlicka. The Rights of Minority Cultures, New York: Oxford University Press, 155-179.

ZUNZER, W. 2002. “Zivile Konfliktbearbeitung in Sri Lanka und die Besonderheiten des Einsatzes
terroristischer Mittel durch die Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE)“, in J. Calließ. Zivile
Konfliktbearbeitung im Schatten des Terrors, Loccumer Protokolle 58/02, Rehburg-Loccum:
Evangelische Akademie Loccum, 131-143.

ZUNZER, W. 2004. „Zivile Konflikttransformation: Akteure, Aktivitäten und Chancen der
Kooperation, in U. Blanke. Krisen und Konflikte. Von der Prävention zur Friedenskonsolidierung,
Berlin: Berliner Wissenschafts-Verlag, 163-203.

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