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Page 79

Collection of lives as a well-ordered garden 67

condemnation from it. 10° For others, like the historian Mustafa 'AII, the sheikh was
an imposter. In his entry, Mustafa ' AII wrote against biographers who defended the
sheikh. He narrated how he was close to BalI Efendi and sought his financial sup-
port when in need. However, the sheikh failed him and told him about his poverty.
Thus, the great wealth discovered after BalI Efendi's death upset and surprised
Mustafa 'Alf greatly. Did his sheikh lie? Or was this a wealth divinely received
after his death? Mustafa 'Alf claimed to have received an answer through a dream;
he dreamed of the room of the sheikh in his lodge and found only yellowish sands
of a desert. This dream convinced him that the sheikh's heart was not a garden
flourishing with miraculous deeds. The gold of the sheikh was in fact dust.101

Was he a wanton young man? A disciple who found his sheikh through a
dream? A repentant who cried for his mistakes in youth? A receiver of divine
gifts? A sheikh who tried to protect his disciples from material contamination?
A miserly hypocrite? Biographers of BalI Efendi raised and addressed these
questions with their stories. By narrating accounts about the same topic from dif-
ferent viewpoints, they engaged in a debate with each other. 'Ata'I also partook
in this debate through his use of sources . His occasional remarks in the Jf ada 'ifs,
show us that he had a number of different biographers to consult , but he pre-
ferred to use mainly Ali b. BalI's al- 'Jqd al-man;um and Kmahzade 's Teg_kire as
his main sources. 102 Among the biographical dictionaries of poets , his preference
for Kmahzade over 'A~~ <;elebi is especially interesting , because he did own a
copy of the Me:ja 'ir and used it in some other cases in the Jf ada 'ifs,.103 As discussed
by Gamm, Kmahzade's biography was more popular than 'A~~ <;elebi's work
among the early seventeenth-century Ottomans. For example, the biographer
Riya:,i:I (d. 1644) also preferred Kmahzade's work for his main source. Gamm
explains this preference as a result of stylistic preferences, which might have also
played a role in 'Ata'I's choice. Yet, as we have seen, the difference between
'A~~ <;elebi and the following biographers was not only about sty le. Kmahzade 's
revisions of a wanton life might have made it more attractive as a source for a
biographer like 'Ata'I who could not have been happy with the image of drunken
young man and his love affairs. 104

When using his sources, 'Ata'I also made a subtle addition , which showed
his personal position in the debate about BalI Efendi's controversial wealth.
Kmahzade did not relate anything about this wealth and Ali b. BalI presented the
debate without taking a side. 'Ata'I , however, wanted to legitimize the sheikh
against his opponents on this issue. He wrote how the posthumously discovered
wealth had a divine origin . Thus, he defended the sheikh vis-a-vis writers who
condemned him like Mustafa 'Alf as well as those who did not take a side like Ali
b. BalI and Kmahzade.

To conclude , since subtle differences in a past literary tradition are difficult to
identify, it is easy to overlook 'Ata'I's position in the debates about controversial
lives. Today, Ottoman biographical works like the Jfada 'ifs, seem like passive rep-
etitions of earlier work. Yet, a closer look reveals how 'Ata'I shaped his entries
like that of BalI Efendi. 'Ata 'I presented his subjects in a carefully demarcated
textual garden through his choices in the arrangement, style and content. The Sufi

Page 80

68 Collection of lives as a well-ordered garden

sheiks in his work are members of a dynastic, hierarchic and exclusive realm. To
understand their place in the Jfadii 'i~ further, we now tum to a close reading of
the Jfadii'i~ stories and explore what the dreams and the dead tell us about this
well-ordered garden.

Notes

See for instance, Marjorie Dryburgh and Sarah Dauncey, 'Chinese Life Writing:
Themes and Variations' , in Marjorie Dryburg and Sarah Dauncey (eds), Writing
Lives in China, I 600-20 JO, pp. 21-56 and the contributions to the edited volume
Thomas F. Mayer and D.R. Woolf (eds), The Rheto rics of Life-Writing in Early
Modern Europe.

2 We need more in-depth research on the various uses of the rich imagery of gardens
in Islamicate literary traditions. For pioneering examples, see for instance Julie
Scott Meisami, 'A llegorical Gardens in the Persian Poetic Tradition: Nezami, Rumi,
Hafez' , International Journal of Middle East Studies 17.2 (May, 1985): 229-260 and
Wheeler Thackston, 'Mughal Gardens in Persian Poetry' in James L. Wescoat, Joachim
Wolschke-Bulmah (eds) Mughal Gardens: Sources, Places, Representatio ns, and
Prospects , (Washington, 1996); pp. 233-259.

3 lf ada 'ik, p. 760: Manend-i giilberg-i tari-yi gonce-yi serbeste kullesind en 'a§ikar olup
kade/:i-i ziniid-1 ictihad ile c;erag-1.fikrini Tkad.

4 Ibid., p. 198: Giilzar-1 dil-zarma $Clrsar-1fena veziin .
5 Ibid., p. 67: Giil-i biilbiil-nevaz-1 giil§en-i 'irfan.
6 Ibid., p. 201: damenc;Tn-i bakdan-zfenii ve miiteveccih-i giil§en-seray-1 bek{l olmi§ idi.
7 Baha Tanman discusses the architectural and ceremonial relations between the tomb

and the lodge in his 'Settings for the Veneration of Saints', trans. M.E. Quiley-Pinar, in
Raymond Lifchez (ed.), The Dervish Lodge, Architectur e, Art, and Sufism in Ottoman
Turkey, (Berkeley, Los Angeles and Oxford, 1992), pp. 130-71.

8 For late sixteenth-century examples from introductory sections, see $erif b. $erif,
Menak1b-1 Evliya Risal esi, ms. Stileymaniye Library, Hac1 Mahmud Efendi 4552, fols
3b-4a; Mehmed Vifak, MenakTb-1 SeyyidA/:imed el-BedevfTerciimesi , ms. Stileymaniye
Library, Hac1 Mahmud Efendi 4520, fols 4a; and Musa Sadri, Raga 'ib al-ManaqTb,
ms. Stileymaniye Library, Hac1 Mahmud Efendi 4618, fols 2b.

9 Thomas J. Heffernan, Sacred Biography: Saints and Their Biographers in the Middle
Ages (New York and London, 1988), pp. 18-22.

10 Cooperson, Classical Arabic Biography, pp. 1-22.
11 Pellat, Charles, 'Manali:ib', in P. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C.E. Bosworth, E. van

Donze! and W.P. Heinrichs (eds), Encyclopedia of Islam, Second Edition, Brill
Online, 2015, http://referenceworks.brillonlin e.com/entries/encyclopaedia-of-islam-2/
manakib-COM _ 0660.

12 For numerous translations and copies of the works of 'Attar and Jami, see istanbul
Kiituphaneleri Tarih Cografya Yazmalarz Katalogu (Istanbul, 1943), no. 368- 73, 303
and 378. QushayrI's compilation was also among the popular works in late sixteenth-
century circles that Murad III ordered translation of by his tutor. See Tahsin Yaz1c1,
Tasavvuf'un ilkel eri: Risal e-i Ku§eyrf (Istanbul, 1966), p. XV. For the biographical
works on Riimi and Khawaja Ubaidullah, see istanbu l Kiitiiphaneleri Tarih Cograjya
Yazmalarz Katalogu, no. 82, 280, 281, 300 and 308.

13 So far I have only been able to find a few references to biographical works in probate
inventories, mostly the works of 'A ttar and Jami. My search was limited to a pub-
lished inventories, such as ismail Ertinsal, 'Ttirk Edebiyat1 Tarihinin Ar~iv Kaynaklan
IV: Lami'i <;:elebi'nin Terekesi' , Journal of Turkish Stud ies Fahir iz Armaga m I,
14 (1990): 180-87; Omer Ltitfi Barkan, 'EdimeAskeri KassammaAitTereke Defterleri
(1545-1659)' , Tiirk Tarih Kurumu Beige/er, 3/5-6 (1968): 1-479; A. ihsan Karata~,

Page 158

146 Index

Hac1Efendi62 , 95,99-101, 104, 107-8
lfada 'i~u 'l-Ha~ 'i~ 2-3; audience and

reception 4, 52-3 , 95; emphasis on
career lines 61-3; as a garden 47;
oral informants 66; organization and
imperial order 54-7 ; selection of
subjects 58-<:il; style and rhymed prose
57-8; written sources 65-7

Halveti 6-7, 13, 18, 32-o, 38, 44, 46,
49-51 , 56, 59,6 2-3 , 65-o , 69, 71-2 ,
8~5 , 89, 94-5, 10~108

bamse 4, 15, 32, 4~3 , 46, 70, 89, 109
Heft-Hvan 16, 21, 23, 35, 39, 45, 109
history-writing: uses 4-5; audience 48-9
hell 82-3; see also dreams of hell
Hulvi 8, 34, 36, 44-5, 51, 55-o, 69, 73,

81,84-5 , 88-90 , 100,108
Hiidii'i 34, 58, 74-o, 79-86, 95

idris-i Mu1Jtefi 34, 44
'ilmiyye 23, 25-o , 37, 41, 62-3, 66, 72,

74-5, 79-80 , 84-o
ismail Ma'~ii~i 35
Istanbul: ban of coffee houses 22;

literary gatherings at gardens 19,
23-4; see also Anadolu Hisar1, Fatih
Mosque , Kocamustafapa~a, revolt s and
uprisings

kadis: career choices 34, 77, 86; criticism
and defense 8, 27, 77-9; execution s
23; literary pursuits 25- 8, 34, 77,
86; subject of invective poetry 27-8;
uprisings 56

Kad1zade Mehmed Efendi 93-4 , 101, 105
kad1zadelis 5, 93-4, IOI, 104, see also

Kad1zade Mehmed Efendi
Katip <;:elebi 2, 5, 14, 40, 43, 51, 93, 105
Kmahzade Hasan <;:elebi 36-37, 45, 51,

63,66 - 7,69, 72- 3, 103
Kocamustafapa~a Lodge 50, 81, 85

Liimi'i <;:elebi 48, 55, 68, 70, 84
Latifi, AbdiillatifEfendi 8, 18, 51, 54, 63,

69- 70, 77- 8,87

Makhzan al-Asrar 21
Mabzen 21, 26, 32, 107
mecmii 'a 2, 95, 98, 107
Mehmed Jjaki 5, 16
Melamis, see Bayrami-Melamis
Mere Hiiseyin Pasha 56
Mevlevis 18, 33, 59, 69, 71,

95, 99- 101, 107- 8

Muf:iammediye 82, 89
Mul).yi 56, 100, 108
Murad III, Sultan 16-17 , 38-9 , 46, 51, 68
Murad IV 28- 9, 55, 101
Mustafa 'Ali 16-17 , 32-3 , 44, 51-2 ,

66-9, 71-3
muderris 36, 51- 3, 56, 62, 75, 81, 84

Nadiri , see Ganiziide Nadiri
Nafaf:i[lt al-uns 48-9
Nak~ibendi s 5, 34, 55, 59, 69, 71, 89, 108
Nefbatu 'l-Ezhar 21, 40
Nergisi , Mehmed b. Ahmed 24, 26,

41-2,58
Nev'i, Yahya b. Pir Ali 4, 11, 19, 21, 32,

35-9 , 41, 44-o, 66
Nefi, Omer b Mehmed 19, 27-8 , 37,

40, 43
Niziimi Ganjavi 21-22, 40
Nureddinzade Mus lihiiddin Efendi 33, 62,

65-o , 72, 89, 103

Osman II, Sultan 52
Omer Fu'iidi 49, 69, 85, 90, 94, 105

patronage: cultivation of 24-5 ; fragility
23, 29; of Sufi sheikhs 32-3 , and poetry
25-o

Pes;evi ibrahim Pa~a 5, 16, 20, 34, 40,
44, 96

remembrance 19, 38- 9, 101-4
revo lts and uprisings 23, 28-9, 56
Riyii~i, b. Birgili Mustafa 18, 26, 45, 51,

57-9,63,67,69-73

sa~rnames 24, 26, 41, 46
sa~rname, see 'Alemnuma
sebeb-i te 'lif21-3, 30, 41
SehiBey 18, 51, 53, 55, 70
Selaniki, Mustafa Efendi 72
sema'99-101, 107-8
al-Shaqa 'iq 5, 34, 44, 50, 52, 54-5, 63,

70, 77, 87
Siham -1 J<:a+a 43
Sivasi , see Abdiilmecid Sivasi
Sohb etu 'l-Ebkar 26, 34, 97 ( diizeltildi)
sufis: initiation 74, 84-5 , 101-4 ; as

patrons ofliterature 32-3, relationship
with state authorities 56- 7; see also
Bayramis , Bayrami-Melami s, Bekta~is,
Celvetis, Giil~enis, Halvetis , Mevlevis ,
Nak~ibendis, and kad1zadelis

Siileyman, Sultan 5, 16- 17, 53, 55, 65

Page 159

Ta~koprizade 5, 8, 34, 44, 47, 52, 54-5, 70,
77- 8, 84,8 7, 89

Tirhala 24, 27, 34, 40, 42, 57, 62-3 , 65

ulema : criticism 27-8; executions 23;
fear and anxiety 62, 74, 80; initiation
to Sufism 62-3, 74-5; see also kadis,
muderris

'UryanIMehrned Dede 11, 21- 2, 30-2,
35,93

Index 147

Oftade, Muhyiddin Mehmed 80, 84, 88,
100, 108

VeysI, Oveys b. Mehmed 6, 26--8, 42, 78

Yahya Bey 22, 31-2 , 40, 43
Yahya b. Zekeriya Efendi 25-9, 42
Yakub Efendi, Germiyanl! 74-6, 80-6
Yaz1c1zade Ahmed 82, 89
Yusuf Sinan 50, 56, 63, 69, 81, 84

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