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TitleConflict in the Archaeology of Living Traditions
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Table of Contents
                            Book Cover
Half-Title
Title
Copyright
Contents
Preface
Introduction: conflict in the archaeology of living traditions
	Can we be objective about objectivity?
		Objectivity and intersubjectivity in the study of culture
		Does Functionalism itself have constitutive rules?
	Theories of stability, change and adaptation
		Static models
		Evolutionary models
		Race and culture
	Appropriation of the past’s remains
		Who owns indigenous burials?
		The situational relevance of cultural unity
	The way forward
	Acknowledgements
	Notes
	References
1 Relations of production and exchange in 17th Century New England: interpretive contexts for the archaeology of culture contact
	Present issues and past paradigms
	The need for new analytical tools
	Plymouth as a case study: transformations in relations of production and exchange
	Interdigitated modes: the northern Connecticut River Valley
	Towards an archaeology of early contact
	References
2 Archaeology, colonialism and 17th-century Native America: towards an alternative interpretation
	Introduction
	The archaeology of colonialism
	Towards an archaeology of native resistance
	Acknowledgements
	References
3 History and prehistory in Bolivia: what about the Indians?
	Introduction
	Bolivian archaeology, legitimator of colonialism
	Archaeology, prehistory and history
	The myth of the world ages: liberty and order in our autonomous history
	Jichhapacha: the present colonized age
	Chukir Qamir Wirnita: savagery and freedom versus civilization and colonial subjugation
	Cyclical vision of history
		Pacha as time/space
		Nayra
	Notes
	References
4 Made radical by my own: an archaeologist learns to accept reburial
	Are we anthropologists or just archaeologists?
	Are we academic racists?
	The Society for American Archaeology, 1982
	Who controls the past?
	Can there be different views of time and law?
	Being yelled at is good for the soul
	Some conclusions
	References
5 On the problem of historicist categories in theories of human development
	Notes
	References
6 The burden of an encumbered inheritance upon the study of the past of Madagascar
	A scandalous imbalance
	To re-establish the balance, or to strive for a diploma?
	Archaeology and received ideas
	Ethnicity, politics, and behaviour
	Possible solutions
7 Archaeological and anthropological hypotheses concerning the origin of ethnic divisions in sub-Saharan Africa PANCRACE TWAGIRAMUTARA
	Interaction of culture, ecology, and biology in the genesis of African cultures
		The problem
		Nature and culture
	The processes of culture change
		The origin and development of the techniques of animal domestication
		The inauguration and development of techniques of plant domestication
	Culture and society: the articulation of biological and cultural processes
		The phenomenon of reversibility
		Genetic change
	Rwanda: a case study
		The increasing significance of culture
	Notes
	References
8 The role of language in African perceptions of the past: an appraisal of African language policies and practices
	Towards more positive results: missionary efforts
	Notes
	References
9 A chapter in the history of the colonization of Sámi lands: the forced migration of Norwegian reindeer Sámi to Finland in the 1800s
	Introduction
	The reconstruction of the Sámi village based on research into legal history
	Lappekodicill—the Sámi Magna Carta
	The Lappekodicill gets weaker and the borders close
	Chaos in the border regions and the Sámi move East
	Conclusions and recommendations
	Acknowledgements
	References
10 A proper place for the dead: a critical review of the ‘reburial’ issue
	Background
	Variety in Judaeo-Christian attitudes
	Grave-‘robbing’
	The reburial issue in the USA
	The reburial issue in Australia
	The future
	Conclusion
	Acknowledgements
	Note
	References
11 The sanctity of the grave: White concepts and American Indian burials
	Cemetery removal in Broome County
		The Christ Episcopal Church graveyard
		The Broome County poor farm cemetery and the Comfort site
	White attitudes towards burials and Indian people
		Medieval Christians
		Colonial America
		The new republic
		The American Victorian
		The modern age
	Conclusions
	Note
	References
12 The acquisition, storage and handling of Aboriginal skeletal remains in museums: an indigenous perspective
	References
13 The souls of my dead brothers
	Chief Seattle’s speech
	Implications
14 Statement of American Indians Against Desecration before the World Archaeological Congress
15 Federal Indian burial policy: historical anachronism or contemporary reality?
	Introduction
	The genesis of federal ‘ownership’ and control of Indian burials
	The Archaeological Resources Protection Act of 1979
	Defining the nature of Indian rights to, and control of, Indian burials
	The common law analogy
	Lessons from the United States’ extinguishment of Aboriginal Indian title
16 Human bones as symbols of power: aboriginal American belief systems toward bones and ‘grave-robbing’ archaeologists
	Archaeologists as grave-robbers?
	To know the past or to discover it?
	Natural law and man’s law
	Conclusions
	References
17 The role of archaeology in nation building
	Introduction
	What is Papua New Guinea?
	History
	Papua New Guinea today
		Superficial
		Ideological
		Aesthetic
		Summary
	At the crossroads
	Papua New Guinea prehistory
	The role of archaeology in nation building
	Conclusion
		The dissemination of information back to the people
		Setting up of cultural centres
	References
18 Dual perceptions of the past: archaeology and Inuit culture
	Introduction
	Inuit perceptions of time
	Inuit and archaeology at present
	Synthesis: Inuit cultural knowledge and archaeology
	References
Index
                        
Document Text Contents
Page 139

Society whom Sigismund Wilhelm Koelle represented with his monumental
Polyglotta Africana (1854) joined their ranks in the 1850s. Recently, this
missionary-animated work has been adroitly undertaken and given a new fillip of
scientific competency by the Summer Institute of Linguistics, whose main
concern is to train Bible translators (Welmers 1971, p. 566)

Yet, there are still numerous African languages which today possess neither a
written grammar nor a literary work like the Bible. Alphabetical writing,
introduced through Euro-Arabic African contacts in Africa, has not quite gone
beyond its initial stage, even though ‘it should be remembered that, in different
parts of Africa—Yorubaland, Ghana, Swahili-speaking East Africa—vernacular
literature flourishes. Anyone who has read a translation of Thomas Mofolo’s
Chaka, for instance, would have ‘an idea of the beauty and wealth of some of
this literature’ (Fonlon 1963, p. 41). In Cameroon, for example, many languages
cannot even now boast of the triple missionary concern: doctrine lessons/
catechism, grammar and a bible translation. For, though many Cameroonian
languages had already figured in Koelle’s Polyglotta Africana, they were not
committed into writing back in their native soils until later. Neither did the slaves
themselves, freed or not, who had assisted this linguist to constitute his
monumental catalogue of over 100 African languages, manifest any other written
documents of the kind, apart from those offered them through the charitable
works of the missionaries. This paucity, in fact, was partly due to colonial
language policies and practices, which tended to silence and minimize the use of
African languages, and partly due to the unproven popular beliefs that some of
these languages had scanty populations and would soon disappear, or that
European languages were gaining ground in Africa.

In areas where English is the official language, English-speaking
missionaries frequently claim that most of the people understand English
or that English is growing; one mission refused, about ten years ago, to
permit one of its missionaries to devote himself to work on a language not
previously investigated, on the ground that it was spoken only(!) by about
150,000 people and would be dead in a decade—a decade later it is still
spoken by about 150,000 people, of course. Significantly, in areas where
French is the official language, French-speaking missionaries tend to make
a comparable claim: French is allegedly replacing the indigenous
languages.

(Welmers 1971, p.561)

German language policy in Kamerun did not quite dissociate itself from these
ethnocentric claims and attitudes. The Germans worked for a long time on a
selected number of Cameroonian languages like the Bali and the Duala
languages which were to provide the preambles to the eventual smooth triumph
of the German language itself. In fact, European colonial powers never set out to
establish a language policy solely in favour of diffusing all the African

THE ROLE OF LANGUAGE IN AFRICAN PERCEPTIONS OF THE PAST 111

Page 140

languages. My interviews at Fumban and Kimbo’ in the Mv m and Nsó’ areas
(Cameroon) in 1982, among the few surviving elders who had attended German
schools, revealed that, even among non-native speakers, the Bali language was
mastered before the study of German, which would have been longer in use, but
for the coming of World War I. At the time of my interview, some of these
elders spoke German as if from memory, due to lack of contact with the German-
speaking world and to the fact that German had ceased to be marketable with the
departure of the Germans from Cameroon. On the contrary, their knowledge of
the Bali language which the Basel Missions had converted into a language for
evangelization in the Grassfields of Cameroon, could not be doubted. They even
narrated stories of pilgrim-like journeys which they undertake periodically to
Baliland to strengthen and refresh their mastery of their quasi-religious language.
In other words, both native and non-native speakers of the Bali language are
more attached to this, an African language, than to German, the foreign,
lucrative, and administrative language which had disappeared with the events of
the First World War.

Tribute to missionaries? Yes, but with some qualifications. For genuine
missionary contributions consist of a type of trial-and-error achievement, an
affair of successes and failures. In other words, though missionary
mentalities, attitudes, and practical efforts sometimes went marvellously ahead
of their times, the absence of rudimentary knowledge in linguistics, or
competence in the exigencies of African languages (tone analyses, noun classes,
oral phenomena, etc.), as well as unavowed ethnocentric interests, contributed at
times to their errors. Happily, they kept trying again. Some missionaries acquired
fluency in African languages by luck, without knowing how, and were
consequently unable to teach others. Thus, with or without organized
instructions, quite often due to the poor mastery of linguistic techniques or due to
the bias inherent in Western linguistic schools (tranformational, functional,
generative analyses), the study of African languages suffered immensely. African
languages were often written with alien language norms.

This reminds me of the futile efforts that Rev. A.Kerkvliet, a missionary of the
St. Joseph’s Missionary Society (Mill Hill), and many of us native speakers of
Lámnso’, undertook to produce A Simple Lamnso Grammar in 1967 without any
adequate knowledge of linguistic techniques even though, spurred on by the
anxiety to get started, we set out and wrote a first Lámnso’ grammar. To put it
simply, we were inspired more by written European language-grammars than by
the analysis of Lámnso’ itself. Consequently, a lot of linguistic data escaped our
observation: contrast between diachronic and synchronic analysis,
morphological and syntactic analysis, borrowing, verb-variations, noun classes,
phonemic analysis with special emphasis on the tones, and so forth. Today I
realize that our Lámnso’ grammar was more complex than simple, due to our
lack of a previous linguistic formation which could have enabled us to offer a
grammar based on the actual analysis of Lámnso’ rather than on a guess-work of
impractical, partial rules. There are many points of similarity between A Simple

112 CONFLICT IN THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF LIVING TRADITIONS

Page 277

Australian Aboriginals 134, 149–56
Great Britain 133–5
guidelines on 142–3
Iowa reburial trial 61

Reeder, R.L. 13
religion

and development 74
Functionalist theory 3, 5–6
Papua New Guinea 219–20

renaming of sites 48
representation, crisis of 22
Reservoir Salvage Act (USA) 203–4
reversibility 91–2
Rhodesia xii, xv
Richardson, Lori 12, 13, 15, 17, 185–8
Richardson, R. 134–5
ritual 49, 50, 57

death 149, 166, 196
Riva Rivas, S. 116
Rivera, S. 46
Rosen, L. 171
Royal Society of Tasmania 150
Rubertone, Patricia, E. 5, 9, 10, 23, 32–43
ruins, sacred 49
rural cemetery movement (USA) 176
Rwanda 11, 88, 91, 93–5

sacred sites xv, 48–9, 195
Sahara 89, 90
Salvage Act (USA) 203–4
Sámi xvi, 10, 12, 18, 116–28, 157
Scandinavia 116–28, 157
science 15, 69–70, 72, 73, 74

politicization of 75
Soviet 74–5

scientific method xi, 1–2
Seattle, Chief 15, 190–3, 212
sedentarization 89
Select Committee on Anatomy 135–6
Senate Select Committee on Indian Affairs

146
Shuar 76
Siida 117, 118, 119–20
Sinuhe 162–3
sites xiii

burial 131, 137, 149, 153, 175, 178,
202, 204, 205, 206, 207–10, 215

exploitation of xiv
renaming of 48
sacred xv, 48–9, 149

Sjøvold, T. 136
skeletal remains xv, xvi, 1–2, 131, 132,

141, 144, 148, 149, 151–2, 154–5, 201,
204

display of 131, 132, 140, 141, 145,
149, 185–8, 195, 211
ownership 13–16
as power symbols 211–16
study of 212–13, 214

Smith, B.D. 1, 2, 3, 14, 15
Smithsonian Institution 140, 141, 146, 177,

193, 201, 206
social change 22–3, 26
social formations 25–6
social röle of archaeology xv, xvi
social science 69
societal periodization 69, 70, 71, 72
Society for American Archaeology 61, 62–

4, 141, 151, 181, 199
Committee on Native American
Relations 213
Statement Concerning the Treatment of
Human Remains 143–5

Society of Professional Archaeologists
(USA) 141, 143

Sound of Rushing Water, The 76
South American Indian Council 128
Southern Ute Reservation 203
Soviet Union 74–5, 77
Speck, F.G. 23
Spencer, J. 106
stability 9, 10
Stromstad treaty 118, 120
structuralism 2
Stutzman, Esther 214
subjectivity xi, xii, 3
Summer Institute of Linguistics 108, 111
Sweden 120, 121, 125, 157
Swedenborg, Emanuel 157

Tacitus 117
Tanzania 105
Tasmania 4, 12, 149, 150, 151, 185, 186

INDEX 249

Page 278

Tasmanian Aboriginal Information Centre
150

Tawantinsuyu 51, 53, 55, 58
technology 11
Tempels, P. 107
theory, archaeological 1, 2, 8, 9–12

evolutionary models 9–11
and political expediency 4
static models 9

Thomas, Cyrus 178
Thomas, P.A. 28
Thule 233, 234

Archaeology Conservation Project 232
time systems 53, 57, 65

Inuit perceptions of 229–30
ritual 49–50

Tiwanaku 47–9
tribalism 71
tribe 14, 23, 28
tribute 38–42
Trigger, Bruce G. 4, 7, 8, 12, 22–3, 32, 64,

179
Truganini 149, 150
Tumarkin, D. 74
Tunica-Biloxi 16, 207–8
Tunica Treasure case 207–8
Turner, Christy 14
Turner, Ernest 15, 140, 182–94, 214
Tutsi 11, 94
Twa 11, 94
Twagiramutara, Pancrace 10, 11, 17, 88–95

Ucko, P.J. 4
United Nations 128
United States of America xii, xiv, xv, 77

burial laws 171
colonial 173–4
federal Indian burial policy 201–10
Forest Service 149, 198
reburial conflict 60–6, 131, 137–49
skeletal remains 1

universalism, linguistic 101–2, 104

Victoria, State of 151
Vidyarthi, L.P. 76

Waiko, J. 72, 75, 76, 78

Wali, Obi 100, 112
Wampanogs 27, 33
wampum 39–43
warfare 25
Webb, Stephen 152–3, 156
Welmers, W.E. 97, 109
West 34

western archaeologists 9, 18
West, Ida 151
Winch, P. 6
Wirnita, Chukir Qamir, myth of 54–6
Wolf, Eric 9, 34
World Archaeological Congress ix–x, xi–

xii, 147, 195–200
world archaeology ix, xi
World Council of Indigenous Peoples 116
writing, African 98, 99, 108

and history 103

Yellor Thunder, Raymond 197
Yellow Thunder Camp 198
York Archaeological Trust 133

Zimbabwe xii, xiii, 159
Zimmerman, Larry J. 15, 16, 17, 60–6, 145,

211–16

250 INDEX

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