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TitleCharles D. Hayes - Self University - The Price of Tuition is the Desire to Learn. Your Degree is a Better Life.
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Total Pages263
Table of Contents
Part 1
	Chapter 1: Why We Are the Way We Are
	Chapter 2: Media and Manipulation
	Chapter 3: Self Knowledge - the Foundation of Self-Education
Part 2
	Chapter 4: The Personal Sciences
	Chapter 5: Motivation
	Chapter 6: The People Sciences
	Chapter 7: The Methodology of Inquiry
Part 3
	Chapter 8: Understanding Credentialism
	Chapter 9: The Possibilities of Tomorrow
Part 4
	Chapter 10: Practicum
	Chapter 11: Practicum in the Workplace
Annotated Bibliography
Document Text Contents
Page 1

The price of tuition is the desire to learn.

Your degree is a better life.

Charles D. Hayes

Autodidactic Press

Page 2

© 1989 by Charles D. Hayes

All rights reserved. No part of this work may be reproduced
in any form by any means, electronic or mechanical, including
photocopying and recording, or by any information storage or
retrieval system, without permission in writing from the pub·
lisher, except by a reviewer, who may quote brief passages
in a review.

Published by Autodidactic Press.
P.O. Box 872749
Wasilla, Alaska 99687

First Printing, 1989

Library of Congress Catalog Number 89·80280

ISBN 0·9621979·0·4

Printed in the United States of America

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

First Edition

Cover design by Connie Hameedi

Typography by Visible Ink, Inc.


Page 131


all societies do. Politics in this context can be thought of as the
juncture where dreams collide. It is the process with which we try to
persuade others to dream as we do and to shake those awake who do
not. Politics is the intellectual substance that both pulls us together
and pushes us apart. It is the residue of everything that we believe
thrust in a form to perpetuate our dreams, a form which we use to
rationalize everything we do. Each of us has a political philosophy
regardless of whether we acknowledge it or act upon it. When we
share our dreams with others they become political ideologies.

Global politics is a clash of ideologies. Our differences with our
allies and our adversaries influence our behavior in ways we do not
readily perceive. For example, we clash with the Soviet Union on a
continuum concerning freedom and responsibility. Human rights
and individual freedom are the heart of our politics, but we damage
the heart, because in our zeal to demonstrate to the Soviets our
capacity for freedom, we abdicate our responsibility for citizenship by
not participating at all. We would likely gravitate to this responsibil-
ity ourselves if it were not for the nature of the clash. The Soviets, on
the other hand, focus on responsibility to the point where they turn
citizens into prisoners. Conflict between individuals or nations has a
way of forcing attention on the bottom line result (output) and away
from process (input).

Americans grow up with an ethic of freedom that implies that
you are UN-AMERICAN if you do not do your own thing. We
acknowledge little obligation of citizenship except a halfhearted duty
to participate in the election process by voting. We acknowledge little
debt to the government or to society except for the specific services we
feel we use, i.e., highways, schools, public facilities, postal services,
etc. The part of government's existence that keeps us from being a
vulnerable, primitive hunter-gatherer society is neither spoken of
nor any longer appreciated. Some argue that what we experience
today is freedom from responsibility.

Rousseau wrote of the social compact and the social contract
that binds us in freedom and obligation. In his thesis, "The Social
Contract," he wrote:

I suppose men to have reached the point at which the
obstacles in the way of their preservation in the state of
nature show their power of resistance to be greater than
the resources at the disposal of each individual for his
maintenance in that state. The primitive condition can
then subsist no longer; and the human race would perish
unless it changed its manner of existence.

Page 132

l i ~ / SELF-U N IV E R S I TY

But as men cannot engender new forces, but only
unite and direct existing ones, they have no other means of
preserving themselves than the formation, by aggrega-
tion, of a sum of forces great enough to overcome the
resistance. These they have to bring into play by means of
a single motive power, and cause to act in concert.

This sum of forces can arise only when several per-
sons come together: but, as the force and liberty of each
man are the chief instruments of his self-preservation, how
can he pledge them without harming his own interests,
and neglecting the care he owes to himself? This difficulty,
in its bearing on my present subject, may be stated in the
following terms:

The problem is to find a form of association which
will defend and protect with the whole common force the
person and goods of each associate, and in which each,
while uniting himself with all, may still obey himself
alone, and remain as free as before. This is the fundamen-
tal problem of which the Social Contract provides the

I would argue that this association, which is necessary for
freedom, requires a legitimate obligation upon the citizenry of any
free nation to be knowledgeable about the affairs of his government,
as a duty to his country and himself. This is a duty that we preach in
America, but do not practice.

After each major election in America we hear self-congratula-
tory speeches ad nauseam in which politicians try to flatter the
electorate by talking about "the great wisdom of the American
people." They do this in spite of the fact that every study conducted to
determine the political knowledge ofthe American people shows that
such claims are nonsense.

In my own studies I have read the works of Rousseau, Montes-
quieu, Jefferson, Mason, Locke, Hume, Hobbes, Bacon, Voltaire and a
great many others who were once concerned with the nature of
government and politics. The study of politics fills the void or
distance from philosophy to sociology. I came to an insightful conclu-
sion on my own that freedom is process, rather than experience. If I
had been told this by a teacher in a classroom, it would have probably
passed by as just another fact with little significance, but to discover
such a truth on my own was a significant learning experience.

In a world where dreams collide and a perpetual struggle exists
to change the dreams of others, freedom is a precious doctrine. The

Page 262


truth, 14, 123-25, 130
Twain, Mark, 188

underachievement, 6

VALS, 29-30, 69-72, 90, 162
values, 121, 125, 167-171, 211-213, 215,

217, 220. See also VALS. See also
quality of life. See also perception.

vocational training, 132
Voltaire, 110, 220

wars, 14-15, 121
Waterman, Robert, 104
Watson, John B., 62
Watts, Alan w.: The Wisdom of Insecu-

rity, 77; law of reverse effort, 51-52,
193; and value, 215

Weingartner, Charles: Teaching as a
Subversive Activity, 4

white knight theory, 151-52, 154. See
also management.

Wilson, William: An Incomplete Educa-

Winn, Denise: The Manipulated Mind,

work: attitudes toward, 20; working poor,
20, 117, 214; haves and have nots,
120, 170; workaholic, 98; Protestant
work ethic, 194; and value, 213

work environment, 132; credentialism
in, 147-48, 158-60, 209; self-univer-
sity and, 157-60; learning resources
in, 205-209

writing, 24, 166, 184; to learn 188

Yankelovich, Daniel: New Rules, 129

Page 263

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